(AINA) -- On December 10, the Spanish newspaper El Mundo published a long report on the situation of the Assyrians in Syria that included a few brief statements by the Secretary General of the Assyrian Democratic Organization (ADO), Gabriel Moshe. These statements were only a small portion of the long interview that the Spanish reporter Ferran Barber conducted with Gabriel Moshe. Here is the entire interview, translated from Arabic to English.

What has the relationship with the Kurdish administration been like in recent years.

The relationship with some forces and parties involved in the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria was good, and among these parties that have collaborated with DAANES are the Syrian Union Party and the Assyrian Democratic Party. As for the Assyrian Democratic Organization, its presence in the official opposition bodies made the Autonomous Administration consider it loyal to Turkey, and it was bothered by its criticism of the administration regarding the issues of detentions and the issue of human rights violations, and the imposition of educational programs that are not officially recognized, as well as the issue of forced recruitment, in addition to some violations that occurred on private property, and even bringing groups of displaced persons and housing them in the Assyrian villages of Khabur, which poses a threat of demographic change in this region. More importantly, DAANES imposed a state of militarization on society, which previously could be understood in the context of fighting terrorist organizations such as ISIS and imposing a kind of stability. However, the transfer of the conflict with Turkey to the region created instability and had an impact on various aspects of life. In general, the churches adopted the same criticisms, but this did not prevent communication and dialogue at times between the organization and the Autonomous Administration and its institutions, either directly or through the Syrian-Assyrian parties present in the ranks of the Autonomous Administration.

The Assyrians have often complained about the treatment meted out to them by the Kurdish administration. On the other hand, the Kurds say that the Assyrians have never enjoyed the same degree of freedoms as they enjoy under their rule. Do you think that political life in Rojava is a true democracy?

It is fair to acknowledge the existence of some freedoms under the rule of the Autonomous Administration that did not exist under other de facto authorities, including the Assad regime. As to whether political life in the northern and eastern regions of Syria can be described as a true democracy, this is a great exaggeration. The administration is ruled by the Democratic Union Party (PYD) (affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) which has the power to make decisions on everything from military and economic decisions and others, and around it there is a group of parties or forces and figures whose role is sometimes limited and formal. The administration's dealings with its opponents and forces outside it were neither democratic nor tolerant, and the most prominent example of this is the tense relationship with the Kurdish National Council, whose cadres and leaders were arrested and whose offices were burned and vandalized. The region also witnessed protests and armed clashes in Deir ez-Zor and elsewhere. If there is a democratic state, why do people leave these areas and migrate abroad, especially from some areas such as Ain al-Arab (Kobani) and risk their lives to reach Europe through various routes?

Many of the churches and Christians in Qamishli lived in the Assad-controlled neighborhood. What happened there? Did the Kurds occupy it? Was there any kind of persecution against any Christians who cooperated with the regime?

No, the Kurds did not attack the churches or Christian neighborhoods in Qamishli or anywhere else after the fall of the Assad regime. What did occur was the control of the headquarters of the security services and government buildings located in the security square and the rest of the government buildings and headquarters in the city. Also, no Christians or other loyalists of the former regime were persecuted or targeted.

Is it true that Christian clerics often cooperated with the regime?

Christian clerics are figures who work in churches affiliated with officially state-recognized sects, unlike our nationalist parties. It is natural for churches and their official representatives to work within official state policy, and this is not limited to Christians alone, but includes all other sects and religions, including Sunni Muslim clerics.

It is an ancient system that was inherited from the Ottoman era. However, we do not deny that some Christian clerics went overboard in showing their loyalty to the regime and following its policies. This provoked many who know the dictatorial and oppressive nature of the former regime.

Do you think that Turkey and the Syrian National Army mercenaries are capable of continuing to advance towards Raqqa and Kobane? And how does this affect the Christian population?

The term Syrian National Army mercenaries is an expression used by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) considering that its factions are linked and loyal to Turkey. Despite my criticism of some of the practices of these factions, I prefer to use the name as it is, without any other description.

According to our information, after the withdrawal of the Syrian Democratic Forces from Manbij, armed clashes broke out in villages near Raqqa, and the withdrawal of Russian forces from Ayn al-Arab (Kobani) and the villages surrounding it increases the possibility that they will head towards Kobani, and there are several reports indicating this. I believe that the American forces alone can stop and prevent this, either through military force or through dialogue with Turkey. As for the effects of this on Christians, the repercussions of the displacement that may result from this will not be limited to Christians alone, but will include all components of the region, primarily the Kurds and to a lesser extent the Arabs.

I have seen Christians celebrating the fall of the Assad dictatorship. However, the new owners of the country have a jihadist past. Are you concerned that the Syriac/Christian community will be treated as second-class citizens?

It is natural for Christians, like other Syrians, to rejoice and celebrate the fall of the Assad family regime that ruled Syria for more than half a century. They experienced various forms of oppression, persecution, fear and humiliation, which led many Christians to emigrate and become displaced persons in countries around the world. They are more aware than others that this regime was not a protector of minorities, but used them to gain approval and silence from Western countries regarding its oppressive practices and rights violations.

Of course, joy at the fall of the regime was mixed among many Christians and even most Syrians of different religions and nationalities with some anxiety and fear of the new authority, although this anxiety is perhaps greater among Christians due to the extremist religious orientations of Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, which led, along with other factions, the process of getting rid of Bashar al-Assad. But at the same time, they realize that the main obstacle to the process of change, which is the Assad regime, has been removed and therefore no party can impose its program on the diverse and varied Syrian society. During the process of removing Assad, which developed at a speed that surprised everyone, some positive indicators emerged, as no civilians or minorities were attacked, no blood was shed and property and infrastructure were preserved. In addition, the international community closely followed all stages of the process. In general, Christians look to the future with caution and will not agree to return as dhimmis in any way, and they do not simply want protection, but to be citizens equal to their partners, enjoying full constitutional rights in a secular, decentralized democratic state based on the rule of law and institutions, and guaranteeing constitutional recognition of the existence and national identity of the Assyrian Syrians and ensuring all their rights on an equal basis with the rest of the national components of Arabs, Kurds, Turkmens and others.

Do you think that Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham will implement Sharia law?

Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham is not alone in the arena, militarily there are other factions, and politically there are many political movements and parties that differ with it in their political vision. In my opinion, the model with which Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham ruled the city of Idlib, which has a religiously conservative society, cannot be imposed on the whole of Syria, as even in Idlib there were widespread protests against it. I believe that Syrians of all religious and national affiliations will resist this approach, and therefore I rule out that Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham will succeed in imposing its agenda due to the rejection of the majority of Syrians on the one hand, and on the other hand, the rejection of many regional and important countries to the establishment of a regime similar to the Taliban model or the model of the Guardianship of the Jurist in Iran because they all have an interest in the stability of Syria in a region exhausted by wars and conflicts.

Do you know what the situation is in Damascus or elsewhere?

The situation in Damascus, Aleppo and the rest of the areas controlled by Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham is relatively calm, and there is satisfaction with some of the measures being taken, such as: the release of detainees, the protection of civilians, the return of employees to their jobs, the opening of departments, institutions and banks, and the stabilization of the value of the Syrian pound. In addition, many civil society organizations and aid organizations have entered Damascus and the rest of the cities and have started to provide services to citizens.

There have been no attacks on Christians, and there have been some property seizures.

The Assyrians publicly welcomed the new regime. But what do they really talk about at home? What is the deep feeling in their hearts? After all, Syria was liberated not by a group of democrats, but by bearded men who until recently belonged to Al Qaeda.

The joy of the Assyrians and my personal joy was greater with the fall of the regime than with the welcome of the new regime, the features of which have not yet appeared. And because the most important step was taken after a long suffering that lasted more than thirteen years. There are still days left for Bashar al-Assad to escape, and after people were freed from the prolonged feeling of fear, people began to speak out loudly, not only at home, and began to publicly express their opinions, positions and even their fears about Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham and the demonstrations and extremist religious thought that it represents. In our opinion, things in Syria are not resolved for any of the parties or forces, and the transition phase may be long until the Syrians agree on the form of the next regime and a new constitution that meets the interests of all.

Do you think that the Syrian National Army and Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham have different agendas? There is certainly a big difference between the Syrian National Army and Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham.

The Syrian National Army has no political agenda and was formed from elements that defected from the regime army when the revolution turned into an armed conflict, and also includes fighters from areas that were attacked by the regime army. It is affiliated with the provisional government that administers the areas of northwestern Syria and the National Coalition of Revolutionary and Opposition Forces, which is considered to this day the official framework of the Syrian opposition. The National Army, after the end of the transitional phase and the beginning of the permanent phase, will be dissolved and will leave its members with the choice of whether to return to the new army or to the police forces, and those who do not wish to do so will return to civilian life. As for Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, its agenda is different politically and militarily, despite the spread of leaks to the media that the organization will itself be dissolved and integrated politically and militarily into the new institutions that will be established in the future. Finally, I would like to thank you for your efforts to convey the voice of the Assyrians and Christians.