(AINA) -- The security situation in northern Syria has reached a critical stage. What was previously described as allegations is now substantiated by multiple field reports and security assessments confirming the existence of established tunnel networks linking Syrian territory with both Iraq and Turkey. These tunnels are neither incidental nor defensive in nature; they constitute an organized, transnational logistical infrastructure used to move fighters, weapons, explosives, and technical expertise, facilitating deliberate killings, the destruction of civilian infrastructure, and the systematic intimidation of local populations.

These networks are centered around the Syrian Democratic Forces (Qasad), operating in direct coordination with the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and its affiliated elements. These actors cannot be viewed as separate entities, but rather as a single, interconnected armed system operating across borders. Their conduct, including cross-border operations, tunnel warfare embedded within civilian areas, and the coercive domination of local communities, meets widely recognized criteria associated with non-state armed groups engaged in terrorist activity.

Equally alarming is the documented role of authorities within what is commonly referred to as the so-called Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Available evidence indicates that this territory has functioned as a logistical rear base for the establishment, arming, and reinforcement of Qasad, as well as a transit corridor for the relocation of PKK fighters from Iraq into Syria. These movements have occurred through borders left effectively outside federal Iraqi military control, while forces loyal to the Barzani leadership exercise de facto authority over border crossings, creating a security vacuum exploited by militant actors.

This reality raises a fundamental question of state sovereignty and constitutional order. If Iraq is not a divided state, then border security must be exercised uniformly and exclusively by the federal government across the entirety of national territory, rather than selectively delegated or informally ceded. Continued parallel control over borders, resources, and armed actors reinforces perceptions, both domestically and internationally, of de facto partition. The responsibility therefore lies with Baghdad to reassert full federal authority over borders, customs, security, and cross-border movement, thereby removing any ambiguity regarding Iraq's unity and sovereignty.

The consequences of these militant corridors extend well beyond Syria's frontlines. Assyrian towns and villages in northern Iraq and adjacent areas have suffered systematic destruction, alongside the vandalism and erasure of irreplaceable historical and archaeological sites that form an integral part of Iraq's ancient heritage. Indigenous communities have faced intimidation, land confiscation, demographic pressure, and forced displacement, resulting in the gradual and deliberate emptying of ancestral lands. These outcomes are not incidental; they are the foreseeable consequences of unaccountable armed dominance and the absence of effective state protection.

The Assyrian people, as one of the indigenous nations of Mesopotamia, are entitled to explicit and specific protection under international and domestic law. In both Iraq and Syria, Assyrians have endured a recurring pattern of dispossession: villages destroyed or appropriated, churches and archaeological sites desecrated, community leaders threatened, and families compelled to flee under the pressure of armed force. In Syria, Assyrians have ultimately suffered the same fate as their counterparts in Iraq, marginalization under militarized administrations, demographic engineering, and the steady erosion of cultural and historical presence. The destruction of Assyrian heritage is not merely a minority-rights violation; it constitutes an assault on the shared historical legacy of the region and may amount to cultural cleansing, prohibited under International Humanitarian Law and relevant UNESCO conventions.

From a legal perspective, the facilitation of cross-border tunnel construction, the transfer of militants, and the existence of parallel security structures constitute serious violations of international and domestic law, including:

Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter, prohibiting actions that undermine the territorial integrity and political independence of states;

International Humanitarian Law, particularly prohibitions against embedding military infrastructure within or beneath civilian areas and cultural heritage sites;

UN Security Council counter-terrorism resolutions, which obligate states to prevent the movement, arming, and logistical support of terrorist organizations;

The Iraqi Constitution, which affirms exclusive federal authority over borders, foreign policy, and national security.

By enabling or tolerating these practices, whether through direct coordination or willful negligence, responsible actors risk legal and political complicity. Tunnel warfare and proxy militarization deliberately endanger civilians, entrench impunity, and obstruct any viable path toward stabilization or reconciliation.

The path forward is clear. The Iraqi state must reassert full control over its borders, natural resources, and security and political landscape, ensuring that no political party or regional authority operates above the state. International partners should support independent investigations, effective border-monitoring mechanisms, and targeted accountability measures. Transparency and the rule of law are not escalatory acts; they are the minimum requirements for halting proxy warfare, protecting the most vulnerable communities, foremost among them the Assyrian people, and preserving Iraq's unity, sovereignty, and historical legacy.