THE BRITISH BETRAYAL OF THE ASSYRIANS

YUSUF MALEK

FORMERLY OF THE IRAQI CIVIL SERVICE
JUNE 1917 - SEPTEMBER 6, 1930

Author of Les Consequences Tragiques du Mandat en Iraq 1932

With introduction by William A. Wigram, DD

Assyrian International News Agency
Books Online
www.aina.org

Published by the Joint Action of The Assyrian National Federation and The Assyrian National League of America - 1758 North Park Avenue, Chicago IL (Books may be secured by application of this address only)

Printed in the United States of America, The Kimball Press, Warren Point, N.J.

Dedicated to the Assyrian People in commemoration of the Assyrians who suffered martyrdom at the hands of the Iraqi Government. Y.M.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE

The atrocities deliberately perpetrated by the forces of Faisal, the puppet king on a shaky throne, led by their ill-bred officers against the Assyrians in Iraq during August 1933, the month that should mark a black spot in British history, have necessarily accelerated the publication--as an urgent necessity--of a part of a comprehensive book on the Iraqi minorities which I have in view. The British Government has betrayed, and has certainly proved herself unworthy of, the trust that other Eastern peoples have placed in her. She received many warnings as to the precarious position of the Iraq minorities in an emancipated Iraq, but it continued to ignore the appeals made to it and set aside the apprehensions felt even by the members of the Permanent Mandates Commission.

Though unfortunately the Assyrian men, women, and children, who, in defence of their very honor, have been most brutally massacred with the usual Arab savagery, are lamentably and irretrievably lost, yet it is not too late to save the remnant if only as a monument to British perfidy and injustice. This is not impossible. It is incumbent upon the leaders who, rightly or wrongly, placed their "implicit trust" in the British Government and British liberal, to mend their ways.

I am not cognizant of the circumstances that led the Assyrian leaders at the time to be swayed by the British policy but the blood of our martyrs who have fallen victims to the "implicit trust" and that villainous policy, is loudly crying to save those who are in the lion's mouth. The Assyrian people who have been sorely tried for the last nineteen years (1915-1933) and have encountered many bitter tribulations, want and need a stable and honest policy that can offer it a real, permanent peace and security, which, in the last sixteen years (1918-1933) of trial has been definitely proved impossible under the British domination.

In April 1933, I attempted to return to Iraq and had to see Sir Harold Stow, the British Consul-General of Betroth. He was kind enough to advise me to do so, but, at the same time, he communicated with the Iraqi Consul-General of Betroth, Camilla al Galena, to say that it would be in the interests of Iraq if I were allowed to return when the Iraq Government could place me under strict policy surveillance. I subsequently approached the Iraqi Consul in writing on the 15th of April and he, after having communicated with Badgered, sent me a letter No. 622/4/12 dated 22-5-33, the translation of which I append herewith:

"The Ministry for Foreign Affairs has, in letter No. 3711, dated 3rd May, 1933, informed me that the Iraq Government cannot accede to the requests embodied in your application, but it can confirm that no legal action will be taken against you for your past prejudicial activities against the interests of Iraq."

This sounds very nice; but what about "illegal actions" so common in Iraq? The requests embodied in my application to which the Iraqi Consul makes reference, and to which the Iraqi Government could not accede, included a request for my personal safety and liberty while in Iraq. Upon further inquiry, the Consul on the 8th of June, 1933, informed me that he could give me no particulars other than those contained in his letter No. 622/4/12, dated the 22nd of May, 1933, which meant nothing to me because of its vagueness and ambiguity. Sir SAT's recommendation, presumably made bona fide, was that I be permitted to return to Iraq under the understanding that I was to be placed under "strict police surveillance." I discovered this from the Iraq Consul himself who was kind enough to furnish me with copies of his correspondence with Baghdad.

I have quoted this minor case to illustrate the value of the League of Nations paper guarantees in Iraq for "the full protection of life and property of the Iraq minorities", and to show how impossible it is for the members of the Iraq minorities, Chaldeans and others included, to approach the League of Nations and report the daily violations of the paper guarantees by the Iraq Government, however grave and acute such violations may be, without exposing themselves to reprisals.

The pronounced policy of the Iraq Government clearly aims at the destruction and extinction of the Assyrian race by merging it forcibly in the body politic of Iraq.

In the face of the recent atrocities (and more are probably to follow) committed against the Assyrian men, women, and children, against all laws of civilization in Iraq, and particularly in the Mosul Liwa, by the armed forces of the Iraq Government for which preparations were being made some months previously, England remained a mere observer, and her "moral responsibility" undertaken at Geneva through the medium of Sir Francis Humphrys, her accredited representative, proved, as we constantly maintained in writing and otherwise, not to be worth the paper upon which it was recorded. In his last day, Sir Francis will have something on his conscience. We were betrayed by England on every possible occasion, and were finally handed over to a so-called Arab Government, without adequate or reasonable safeguards for our safety.

Our grievances and claims have been deliberately misrepresented as I informed, (through the kind favour of Mr. George Naqqash, the brilliant Lebanese writer Mr. Rennie Smith of the Inter-parliamentary Union, London, from beginning to end, and it is the firm belief of many, as well as mine, that more misrepresentations will follow; hence there is the absolute necessity for the present work.

As an Assyro-Chaldean by nationality, and one of the indigenous inhabitants from the heart of Mosul, with thirteen years of continuous experience of the Iraqi government and the British officials, I claim the right of being able to state our side of the case. Living in exile for the last twenty-nine months (April 1931-August 1933) with no possible access to my documents, I regret that I shall not be able to produce a comprehensive book as I originally desired. But my memory has not failed me, and will not, I hope, do so now. I hope that the present work will serve to give the readers, and particularly those interested in the Assyrians, a general idea as to the recent events leading up to the barbarous acts committed by the regular armed forces of the Iraq Government against the peaceful Assyrian civil population.

Chapter I has been written by the Assyrian National League of America. Chapter V has been written by Col. F. Cunliffe-Owen. Chapters VII and second half of Chapter X have been written by Dr. David B. Perley. The indexing is also his work. Chapter XIII has been contributed by Col J.J. McCarthy. I am indebted to them all for their valuable services.

For permission to re-publish Lt.-Gol.A.T. Wilson's' excellent Crisis in Iraq, originally published in the Nineteenth Century & After Review of October 1933, I am indebted to the author and to the publishers, Constable & Company, Limited, 10-12 Orange Street, London, W.C.2.

For the reading of the galley proof, I am indebted to Mrs. D. B. Perley of New Jersey and Mr. George K. Eshaya of Illinois. For the reading of the page proof I am again indebted to the former. For the excellent illustrations, I am indebted to Mr. George Mardinly and to Mr. Lutfi Dartley, more especially to Mr. Charles S. Dartley, all of the State of New Jersey, U.S.A.

It is a pleasing duty to express my sincere thanks to Hon. Nicholas O. Beery, the ex-Police Court Judge and Prosecutor of the Pleas of Passaic County in New Jersey, for his generous assistance rendered in reading and correcting every page of proof as it came from the compositor, and for his counsel with regard to matters of general presentation. My thanks are due also to the generous scholars, such as Max Zucker, Esquire, Rabbi and Lawyer, Judge Joseph A. Furrey, Joseph J. Durna, an attorney of New Jersey, and Prof. E.J. James, B.D., Ph.D of Chicago who have improved the book by their suggestions and painstaking criticism.

It is gratifying to acknowledge my supreme obligation to the Assyrian National League of America and to the Assyrian National Federation* in America. The latter is composed of the Assyrian National Union, Inc. of Massachusetts, the Assyrian National Association of Connecticut, the Christian Aid Society of Philadelphia, Pa., the West New York Branch of New Jersey, the Newark Branch of New Jersey. Had it not been for their zealous co-operation, the present work would not have been possible.^¹

^{Special thanks are due to
the Assyrian National Association, Inc. of Yonkers, New York, the
Nineveh Association of Greater Boston in Massachusetts, the
Assyrian-American Benevolent Association of Los Angeles, California;
the Assyrian National School Association of America, Inc., and the
Assyrian Young People's Association of Yonkers, New York for the
courtesy and assistance extended to this work, which I commenced
writing during the last week of August 1933, in Cyprus, and completed
in November of the same year in Geneva, with the ardent hope that it
may meet the crying need, at this critical moment, for a new and true
way in the presentation of the Assyrian Problem.}

^{Geneva, November 1933.}

^INTRODUCTION

^{It is with
great pleasure that I can commend Yusuf Malek's history of his own
people to all English readers.}

^{There is no
type of mankind that has had a history more interesting, and few more
lengthy than the Assyrian nationality to which he belongs. Reaching
back as they do through the ages to the days when Chaldea and Assyria
were producing the dawn of civilization in the lands where civilization
had one of its very earliest beginnings, they have seen the rise and
departure of the Persian Empire in its earlier form, have seen the
struggle between Parthia and Rome, and finally found in Christianity
the religion that they could take to themselves, in the days when the
later empire of Persia was beginning a development that lasted till
Islam spread a new faith and a new culture over all the near and
central east.}

^{Perhaps it
was the strange parallelism between the myths of the old faith of
Chaldea, and the theology of Christendom, that enabled the people to
take the new faith of the West so thoroughly to their hearts.}

^{For that
faith they have suffered, and in it they have found the expression of
their national life under the various rulers of Islam. Meantime, they
have given at least the undeniable proof that one reproach of
Christians under the rule of Islam is not justified, and that given any
reasonable opportunity, they can show as much bravery and dash in fight
as any professor of the faith of Islam.}

^{As a Church,
they have an interest for all students of Christian antiquity that is
unique, for there is no other community in which can be found the
customs of the earliest centuries of Christianity stereotyped and
fossilized as it were, so as to preserve them for those, who, in a
later age seek to hark back to their origins and to "look unto the rock
whence they have been hewn," a model of what the faith they profess was
in its earliest and most primitive ages.}

^{Readers will
find here description and history of every one of these aspects of the
people written out by one of themselves, with a knowledge and sympathy
that no foreigner, no matter what his experience, can really hope to
attain.}

^{The work
appears at a moment when the fortunes of the people seem to be at their
very darkest, and may serve to attract to those who have suffered more
severely and more undeservedly than almost any other nation in the war,
some of the sympathy and help that is their just due.}

^{W. A.
Wigram, D.D. - Wells, Somerset - November 1933}

^{DRAMATIS PERSONNAE IN PRODITIONE}

^{The
Iraqi cabinet of assassinators which approved indiscriminately of the
massacre of the Assyrians following the proclamation of Jihad - a Holy
War:}

^{Rashid 'Ali
al Gailani. Prime Minister}

^{Hikmat
Sulaiman Minister of Interior}

^{Yasin al
Hashini Minister of France}

^{Nuri al
Sa'id Minister of Foreign Affairs}

^{Muhammad
Zaki Minister of Justice}

^{Jalal Baban
Minister of Defence}

^{Rustam Haidar Minister of Communications and works}

^{Sayyid
'Abdul Mahdi Minister of Education}

^{The
following is a list of British Officials through whose instrumentality
and indifference the massacre was made possible:}

^{Sir Francis
Humphrys His Britannic Majesty's Ambassador in Baghdad (the term of the
whole tragedy)}

^{Capt. V.
Holt Oriental Secretary to the British Embassy in Baghdad}

^{Sir Kenehan
Cornwallis Advisor, Minister of the Interior, Chief Administrative
Inspector and private counselor to King Faisal}

^{Major C.J.
Edmonds First Assistant Advisor to Sir Kenehan Cornwallis}

^{Major
W.C.F.A. Wilson Administrative Inspector in Mosul}

^{Colonel R.S.
Stafford Administrative Inspector in Mosul}

^{Major
Douglas B. Thomson The English expert for the Settlement of the
Assyrians}

^{"O, it is
excellent To have a giant's strength; but it is tryannous to use it
like a giant."}

^{From
Shakespeare's Measure for Measure, II,2.}

^{Original Table of Contents}

^{FIRST BOOK}

^{Circumstances Prior to The Final Betrayal}

^{I A Brief
History of the Assyrian Nation and "Church of the East" Assyrian
National League of America}

^{II Faisal
al Husain}

^{III The
Inhabitants of Iraq and the Iraq Unity}

^{IV The
Assyrians}

^{V The
Assyrians in Baqubah and at Mindanù Col. F. Cunliffe-Owen}

^{VI The
Chaldeans}

^{VII The
JacobitesùD. B. Perley}

^{VIII The
Yazidis}

^{IX The Jews
and Other Minorities}

^{X
Missionaries and Politicsùwith D. B. Perley}

^{XI The
Assyrian Levies and the Kirkuk Incident}

^{XII The
Assyrians in the House of Lords}

^{XIII The
Assyrians in Persia and Mesopotamia Col. J. J. McCarthy}

^{XIV The
Assyrians Before the League of Nations in 1932}

^{SECOND BOOK}

^{The Final Betrayal of The Assyrians}

^{XV
The Final Betrayal of the Assyrians û Part I}

^{XVI The
Final Betrayal of the Assyrians û Part II}

^{XVII The
Final Betrayal of the Assyrians û Part III}

^{XVIII The Arab Barbarism in Iraq}

^{XIX The
Crisis in Iraq û Lt. Col. A. T. Wilson, M.P}

^{XX The End}

^APPENDICES:

^{A
Letter to the Mandates Commission by the Mar Shimun et als}

^{B
List of 76 Persons Brutally Killed Individually}

^{C
Radiogramme from the Assyrian Metropolitan of India}

^{D Dr.
Wigram's Letter to the "Editor of the Near East and India}

^{E The
Treacherous Document of Baghdad}

^{F The Mar
Shimun's Protest to the Foreign Diplomatic Representatives in Iraq}

^{G Statement
Showing a Small Percentage of Assyrians Massacred in August of 1933}

^{H Statement
Showing Names of Persons Brutally Assassinated Subsequent to the
Official Massacre}

^{I A List of
the Assyrian Villages Looted During the Massacre}

^{J An Appeal
by the Mar Shimun to all the Christian Churches}

^{K Anglo-Iraq
declaration of 1932 Regarding the Kurdish Government}

^{L Minutes of
the Iraq Committee in London}

^{M Reply of
the Acting-High Commissioner to the Signatories of the Petition, dated
September 11, 1930}

^{N Petition
of the Rev. Shlaimun et als}

^{O Petition
of the "Eastern Church" of Connecticut, U.S.A. to King George V., to
the President of France, and to the President Of the United States.}

^{P Protest of
the Assyrian National Union of Michigan to the League of Nations}

^{FIRST BOOK}

^{CIRCUMSTANCES PRIOR TO THE FINAL BETRAYAL}

^{"Observe thyself as thy greatest
enemy would do, so that thou be thy greatest friend" ûJeremy
Taylor}

^{CHAPTER I:
A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE ASSYRIAN NATION AND 'CHURCH OF THE EAST'*^²}

^{THE ASSYRIAN NATION: PART I}

^{The origin of the Assyrians as a people or
even as a nation is shrouded in the mists of the past, but when they
first appear on the stage of history, in the middle of the third
millennium B.C., we find them already a strong city
Kingdomùalthough vassal to Babyloniaùorganized around the
first capital, Ashur, located on the left banks of the Tigris, in the
upper Mesopotamia. The Assyrians are of Semitic race; they took their
name from the name of their god, Assur, or, as some historians assert,
from their first Capital. However, although forming a very powerful
vassal of the Babylonian Empire, the Assyrians played a passive part in
the affairs of Western Asia until the decline of the Babylon in the
middle of the eighteenth century (1740 B.C.) when Assyria went its own
way as an independent Kingdom. From that time on, until the destruction
of Nineveh, in 606, the Assyrian Empire remained, with varying degrees
of fortune, the supreme power in the Orient.}

^{During this one thousand years Assyria remained above all
else a military state with a strong will and a deliberate policy. She
expanded in all directions, welding together smaller states into one
more or less compacted well-organized empire, on an entirely different
basis from that of its predecessors, the Babylonian and Egyptian
Empires.}

^{From 1740 B.C. until 1300 B.C., Assyria was a mere Kingdom, a
rival of Babylon, reserving her power for future possibilities,
defensive as well as offensive. Beginning with Shalmaneser I, about
1300 B.C., the city Kingdom began to expand into an Empire, conquering
and consolidating smaller states around it. Campaign after campaign was
conducted by Shalmaneser against the declining empire of the Hittites,
until even Capodocia was reached, where several Assyrian military
colonies were settled. The Armenians and the Kurdish tribes in the
north and northeast were also attached by Shalmaneser. Nor did Syria
escape the effect of these triumphant reigns of the power of Assyria.
Shalmaneser's successor turned his attention to Babylon which he added
to his dominions, thus making Assyria the mistress of the oriental
world. Under Tiglath-Pileser I, the frontier of Assyria was further
extended westward as far as the Mediterranean Sea, and the mighty Egypt
presented the Assyrian conqueror with a present-a crocodile.}

^{During the eighth and ninth centuries the Assyrian emperors
did not merely expand their territories, but inspired the Hebrew
prophets with a new idea of God, that is, Jehovah, a tribal God of
Israel becomes a universal God, even more powerful than the Assyrian
Monarchs, whose rods they were, according to Amos and Isaiah. Israel
had become a vassal to Shalmaneser III, and Judah could not remain very
much longer unaffected by the Assyrian Empire The Syro-Phoenician
maritime commercial cities, and the trade routes connecting them with
India by the way of the Persian Gulf, were a prize worth contending
for, and Shalmaneser made these serve his Empire.}

^{The death of Shalmaneser III was followed by a short interval
of military inactivity. That Monarch and his predecessors had
inaugurated an entirely new imperial policy, unknown in the ancient
world before them. To render the trade routes between the Mediterranean
Sea and the Persian Gulf absolutely safe, the territory through which
these routes passed could not be left to chance, the precarious loyalty
of the vassal states. "The experience of centuries had shown that such
control could not be secured unless the country were systematically
conquered, occupied and guarded by the Assyrians". The process led to
the direct annexation and government of the subdued peoples. This
policy of systematic conquest and subjugation resulted perforce in the
assimilation of conquered peoples.}

^{With the accession of Tiglath-Pileser III to the throne in
745 B.C., a new drive began for the empire of Ashur. The reign of the
Monarch inaugurated what may be called the "Golden Age" of the second
Assyrian Empire, which lasted until the destruction of the State.
Politically there came upon the throne of Assyria, in rapid succession,
beginning with Tiglath-Pileser III, a long line of rulers of magnitude.
Only one other throne, that of the Ottoman Turks can claim a similar
line of first rate conquerors and administrators.}

^{Under these rulers Assyria not only recovered all the lost
grounds, but also new provinces, greater glory, and prestige were
added, besides winning back territory and political strength which was
lost after the death of Shalmaneser III. The policy of consolidating
provincial administration, and the process of assimilation of
subject-peoples were continued more systematically than before.}

^{Tiglath-Pileser III was the first King of Assyria to make
Babylon an Assyrian province. His further conquests carried the
Assyrian arms father than those of his predecessor. To the east, the
shores of the Caspian Sea were reached, and Media was organized with a
province. In the west, his conquests penetrated Asia Minor and covered
the entire eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea until they reached
Egypt.}

^{But Tiglath-Pileser was not merely a conqueror. His
achievements as a ruler and an administrator were equally remarkable,
and one might venture to say, revolutionary, resembling in some
respects those of Julius Caeser. His first act was to reorganize the
army upon a new foundation. This he did by creating a powerful standing
army in which lay the strength of the Assyrian Empire. It was also a
national army, recruited from a nation and not from a congeries of
loosely connected vassal states, city kingdoms, and tribal districts.
In other words, Assyria resembled a modern state not merely in its
military organization, but in its political and social structure, a
compact state, not unlike the Ottoman or Russian empires.}

^{But the army was simply a means to a greater end. The
Assyrian Monarchs never planned vast conquests, like those of Alexander
the Great. The policy of assimilation to which the empire had been
committed, could not be adjusted to meet the exigencies of such rapid
and vast accumulations of new people. Tiglath-Pilser III, did not add
very much to what his predecessors had claimed, nor did his great
successors except Esarhaddon who added Egypt to the fortune of his
fathers. The authorities tell us that every campaign fought by the
second Assyrian Empire, that is, from the accession of Tiglath-Pileser
III to the fall of Nineveh, 606 B.C., was a defensive project. The
Emperors were engaged in a political effort unprecedented in the
ancient Orient. It was their nation's supreme contribution to
civilizationùthe creation of a new political concept to which
the Persian and Roman Empires fell heir.}

^{To make Assyria a modern State, two methods were invoked by
Tiglath-Pileser. These methods had been used by his predecessors, but
on a smaller scale. The Egyptian, Babylonian, and Hittite Empires had
conquered many people, but no attempts were made to reduce the
subject-people into a centralized State. The conquered territories
remained vassal States which merely recognized the suzerainty of their
overlords and paid them an annual tribute. The Assyrians departed from
this in two ways: (a) they detached the conquered people from their old
loyalties û religious, traditional, racial and territorial, by a
well calculated, but reprehensible, system of deportation. The best
example was the captivity of the Ten Tribes of Israel. Its object was
to create a uniform population and to lessen the possibilities of
revolt. (b) The other factor evolved byTiglath-Pileser was that of
centralization. It is possible to maintain that the wholesale
deportation of the conquered people was a consequence of this policy.
Competent historians assure us that it was the first time in history
that the idea of centralization was introduced into politics. When a
new territory was conquered, it became an integral part of the Assyrian
Empire. All its former political and even religious organs were
destroyed. In the place of these, a new system was imposed, and in the
place of the former ruler û in most cases a king û an
Assyrian provincial governor was appointed by the king and was directly
responsible to him. The Assyrian Monarchs were careful to secure "men
of such energy, intelligence and efficiency for important provincial
governorships, that the characteristic evils of eastern officialdom,
lethargy and incompetence were almost unknown"*}

^{These governors administered their provinces according to the
king's will. Assyrian jurisprudence, court and language were
substituted for those of the conquered people for all administrative
purposes. Assyrian coins, weights and measures, as well as commercial
practice, were established. These advantages of Assyrian civilization
were spread from one end of the Empire to the other and made uniform.
Commercial and military roads were constructed to facilitate travel and
movement of armies. The Assyrian domination of the Western Asia was not
merely military, but cultural as wellùAssyria was a civilizing
factor. It was for this reason that the Assyrian provinces enjoyed a
protracted period of peace, rate in the history of the East at that
time; and not until the coming of Rome did Western Asia enjoy a uniform
legal practice under which the trader and the poor found safety and
protection. In other words, what Rome did for the Mediterranean world,
Assyria did for the Western Asia.}

^{Such was the work of Tiglath-Pileser III, the greatest of
Assyrian Monarch. The four greatest Monarchs who followed him are
Sargon II, Senacherib, Esarhaddon, and Ashurbanipal who consolidated
and carried out his policies and measures. Their task was primarily
that of holding firmly to the territory already acquired and of
spreading the Babylonian culture throughout their Empire. Therefore,
their wars were largely defensive in character, and even in purpose,
preserving and cementing the Assyrian Empire as firmly as would seem
humanly possible. The Assyrian State, unlike the Roman Empire, was
surrounded in all directions by States and nations of might equal to
its own.}

^{The Assyrian Monarchs were as truly great patrons of learning
and culture as they were statesmen. The Tiglath-Pileser III, erected a
vast and magnificent palace at his new capital, Kalah, with a row of
colonnades at its entrance. Other public and private buildings must
have been equally magnificent to harmonize with the royal palace, and
many other great men of the empire must have imitated their master in
the beautification of their own palaces. As the Assyrian Monarchs were
incurably religious, they built magnificent temples to their national
gods. Other cities of the empire must have certainly followed the
example of the capital in this, as in many other respects.}

^{Sargon II, the next great Assyrian Monarch, was like his
predecessor, not only a great conqueror and statesmen but a great
builders; for he also founded a new capital with a palace of equal
magnificence with that of Tiglath-Pileser III. Similar impetus must
have been given to the development of culture throughout the empire.
Sargon went a step further than his predecessor by arousing a
tremendous growth of interest in the study of the past history of
Assyria. By naming himself Sargon II, he wished to create a strong
sentiment for the antiquities or traditions of his people. This fact is
illustrated by Sargon's ordering and directing the edition of various
texts which concerned adventures of Sargon of Agade (3800 B.C.) It
would not be stretching the evidence too far in saying that Sargon was
the first enlightened Monarch of Western Asia, who set a new example
for his successors in the promotion of learning and culture. As Sidney
Smith says, "Sargon was not only a great King but an enlightened man,
and in him is to be found the same taste for artistic and literary
effort that distinguished his successors'^³}

^{Sennacherib, Sargon's son and
successor to his throne, surpassed all his predecessors in his zeal for
the restoration of old and building new cities. He transferred his
residence to Nineveh which he made the capital of the Assyrian Empire.
He reconstructed, beautified, and enlarged the city, and in its center
erected several vast public buildings, among which was his palace, an
edifice of great architectural magnificence, and remarkable for base
reliefs upon its walls and the great stone colossi which adorned its
gateways. This Monarch's passion for building resulted in such a vast
number of projects that their enumeration would be tedious. In
literature and fine art the reign of Sennacherib marked an epoch equal
to any reached in ancient Orient. All in all, Sennacherib was as able a
monarch as his father in the battlefield and surpassed him in his
interest in art and literature.}

^{Esarhaddon's reign is essentially a period of
political developments, defense and expansion of the Empire, and its
administration. Cultural side of the Empire was left to his son's
reign, Ashurbanipal III, the Grand Monarch of Assyria. His interest in
development and spread of learning surpassed those of his grandfather.
Ashurbanipal was himself a learned Monarch, and his fondness for
learning led to his collection of two magnificent libraries at Nineveh.
His interest in art was as personal as that of his grandfather and the
Assyrian art reached its perfection during his reign. "The Age of
Ashurbanipal marks a definite stage in the history of culture, and the
modern term (the Age of Ashurbanipal) befittingly links that king's
name with his time, as it connects the glories of Imperial Rome with
the name of Augustus"^⁴}

^{The Assyrian civilization û specifically
culture and learning û was based upon that of the Babylonians, a
kindred people. In this respect the Assyrians did not create a culture
of their own, but neither did the Romans. However, the Assyrians served
civilization in their own way, a contribution which the historians of
the Ancient East compare to that of the Romans; that is "accepting in
its entirety the civilization of a kindred people (the Babylonians)
they (the Assyrians) maintained it and spread it in a manner the
original creators were entirely incapable of, at a time when a failure
to do so would have considerably affected the course of history"^⁵}

^{Ashurbanipal was the last great
Monarch of Assyria. *The Empire, even during his lifetime had begun to
decline, and even to disintegrate. Fourteen years after his death (626
B.C.) the Assyrian Empire was extinct, and the proud and arrogant
Nineveh became a heap of smoldering ashes. Assyria, as a political
entity, disappeared from the face of the earth û a most unique
phenomenon in history.}

^{PART II.}

^{ASSYRIA FROM 600 B.C. TO DATE}

^{Nineveh was destroyed
in 606 B.C. It fall was brought about by corrupt officials who turned
traitors in divulging the military secrets of their government to the
Medes, thus causing the defeat and eventual downfall of that great
empire.}

^{Hardly anything has been recorded in
the ancient histories concerning this nation after Nineveh was
destroyed. What happened to those people? Where did they go? According
to the recorded history of King Oogar IX, an As^⁶Syrian, the remnants of this empire were under the
Roman mandate. King Oogar himself was ruling in Adasa or the modern
city of Orhie during the time of Christ. In the previously mentioned
city twenty-nine Assyrian kings ruled, fourteen of which were from the
house of Oogar and fifteen from the House of Mano.}

^{Perhaps many students of ancient
history will challenge the claim that Oorhae was an Assyrian city, but
this truth is proven by ancient historians in that, when the Assyrians
conquered and subdued a nation, it was their custom to transfer their
newly subdued subjects into Assyria proper and rehabilitate their newly
acquired territories by their own nationals. Much must have been the
case with the city of Oorhae, for even Mar Addaiù(one of the
Twelve Disciples, refers to Oorhae as being inhabited by the Assyrians.}

^{This little Assyrian Kingdom endured
until 336 A.D. In the middle of the fourth century, the Romans and the
Persians began one of their wars, and during this campaign Oohae was
taken by the Persians. The Assyrians were dispersed throughout Asia
Minor. Some went into Syria, some remained under the Persian rule and
others took refuge in the Mountains of Kurdistan. In these mountains
they lived and enjoyed a home-rule until 1915. When the world conflict
of 1914 broke out, these Assyrians, threw their lot with that of the
Allies. They were forced to flee from their mountain homes û
north of Nineveh, the Assyrian capital, - to Persia where they
maintained themselves until 1918 when they were again uprooted. This
time in accordance with the British promises (see Chapter IV) they
retreated to Mesopotamia to remain under British protection. During
these misfortunes the Assyrians lost not only their homes and property,
but practically two-thirds of their number. What happened to them from
the time they found refuge with the British, the reader will find fully
and authentically recorded in the pages of this book.}

^{THE ASSYRIAN 'CHURCH
OF THE EAST' EMBRACEMENT AND EXTENSION OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE ORIENT}

^{It was in the second year after the
Ascension of Christ that Christianity showed its first signs in
Mesopotamia. At about this time, Thomas, one of the twelve, had begun
the preaching and teaching of the gospel and the new religion, which
was prophetically destined to embrace all of Beth-Nahreen later.}

^{Thomas continued with his apostolic
mission until 45 A.D., that is to say, twelve years after the
Ascension, and then proceeded to India to commence his pioneering
activities in Christian teaching there. In the meantime, Simon, called
Peter, had succeeded Thomas as the apostle to Mesopotamia. It was
during his tenure of apostolic mission that the first Christian church
was founded in Babylon thus establishing the Eastern Apostate.
Completing his task in Mesopotamia, Peter returned to Rome. (Peter I,
Chap. 5: 13-14)}

^{In the year 45 A.D., Addai, or better
known as Thaddeus, one of the twelve, succeeded Simon as the apostle to
Mesopotamia. Addai went to Oorhae or Adessa in fulfillment of a promise
which Jesus had made to King Oogar, while on earth. Historical
documents point out that this promise was involved in direct
correspondence between Jesus and King Oogar. On October 15, 31 A.D.,
during the reign of Tiberius, the Roman Governor of Jerusalem, King
Oogar had dispatched three of his most trusted men to invite Jesus to
come for a visit and to cure him of his malady. Marhaht, Shamshagrum
and Hannan the artist, the three men that King Oogar had sent as
emissaries of good-will to Jesus, had set out on their journey.
Arriving in the border city of Beth-Gobrin, they went to the house of
Cebinus, the son of Astragius, their governor, and remained there
twenty-five days. Cebinus, realizing the importance of their mission,
gave them a letter of introduction to the Roman Magistrate in Jerusalem
requesting him to extend these men all necessary courtesies. Resuming
their journey, on the way they met with divers people from sundry
countries. Joining this anxious and faithful crowd of pilgrims they
continued their journey to Jerusalem. Arriving in the city, they met
Jesus and were amazed at his beauty. Upon speaking to him, they were
overwhelmed with admiration for his wisdom and knowledge. As emissaries
of King Oogar, they remained with Jesus for ten days. During their
stay, Hannan, the artist painted a portrait of Jesus, and wrote in form
of a diary everything that He had spoken and of allthat had taken place
during their stay. On their return to Oorhae, in reverence and
admiration, they related to King Oogar what they had seen and heard,
also mentioning the promise that Jesus had made of sending one of his
disciples to him to cure his malady. The journey of Addai to Oorhae or
Adessa was in fulfillment of that promise, and on his arrival King
Oogar extended him a cordial welcome and gave him assurance of every
possible assistance with which to carry on his work. With the King's
aid Addai taught the new doctrine of Jesus, founded churches and
established great theological seminaries throughout the country. It was
the great impetus of Christian teaching that placed Adess among the
foremost centers of learning of the time.}

^{From the year 48 A.D. until 87 A.D.,
Agai and Mari, his disciples carried on the work of their master. They
founded strong apostates and extended Christianity to the eastern and
southern portions of Mesopotamia. They performed miracles, such as
raising the dead, causing the blind to see, etc. They chose spirited
missionaries from among their true Assyrian converts which later
carried the name of Christ with a fiery zeal into the pagan and Jewish
elements of their time and converted millions of souls to Christianity.
How did these men carry on their work? Under what conditions and
handicaps were they performing their duties? History well records their
heroic deeds in the name of the Cross. Many were burned at stake,
others were mutilated in the most horrible manners, and many others
were placed under most diabolic and cruel punishments unknown to man.
The amputation of arms and legs and the dismemberment of other parts of
the body were common penalties imposed upon them because of their
belief and teaching. In spite of this scourge of human wrath evidenced
against them, they strove on sincerely believing in their mission. For
Christ and his teaching they were willing to sacrifice their lives.
They were imbued with a spirit of zeal and altruism and were eager to
acquaint others with the new philosophy of eternal life. The following
names are prominently engraved in the annals of Christian history for
their valor and heroism in fighting to carry on the name of Christ to
the world.}

^{St. Thomas, "One of the Twelve 35
A.D. û 45 A.D.}

^{St. Addai (Thaddeus) 33 A.D.
û 45 A.D.}

^{Agai and Mari, "Two of the
Seventy" 45 A.D. û 48 A.D.}

^{Oraham I "of Kashckar" 98 A.D.
û 120 A.D.}

^{Jacob I, related to Joseph the}

^{"Naagara" (Carpenter) 120 A.D.
û 138 A.D.}

^{In the third century the
Eastern Apostate made tremendous strides in development of education,
theology, and philosophy. From the institutions of learning, founded by
this apostate emerged men of eminence in the various fields of
knowledge, who went into the world of their time and propagated their
learning to the advantage of mankind. Their influence was so great in
its purpose that its beneficial effects are manifest even today. Such
names as those of Mar Ephraim the Great (born 303 A.D.-died 373 A.D.)
Khamis "Bar Khardakhe" Odishoo "Bar Ninvahya," the Metropolitan of
Souva and Mar Narsay "khanara D'rookha", (born 437 A.D. û died
502 A.D.) stand out as gigantic monuments in the theology and
philosophy. Although their work and their teaching are written in
Aramaic, yet translations of their works in different languages afford
the interested reader an easy access to acquaint himself with these
men. It would be futile on any one's part to attempt to evaluate the
importance and influence of their work, but it can be earnestly and
truthfully said, the acquaintance of one's self with these would be a
satisfying and soothing medium for minds inclined toward theological
and philosophical studies.}

^{During the age of these mental
giants, great institutions of learning were in existence. From the
universities of Nseban, Antioch, Salak-Thispun and Alexandria (Egypt)
was poured a new life into the veins of the humanity. India and China
and parts of Africa were emblazoned with the name and teaching of
Christ. The champions of this cause had acquired the appearance of
beggars and wanderers and as such they pioneered into the darkest parts
of the world suffering untold hardships, abuses and persecutions. Their
mission was to enlighten the world by a new life and toward that goal
they proceeded unheedful of obstacles that stood in their way. History
well records the results of their efforts and deeds. Even today
magnificent monuments in China, India, and Egypt stand as mute evidence
of their glorious work.}

^{The fall of the Eastern Apostate had
its initial step in that direction long before the church had attained
its full growth and expansion. As it has been previously mentioned that
all of this missionary work was carried on in hostile territory, one
can easily see the antagonistic forces continually working for its
destruction. The forces that once were peacefully subdued by its
influence had suddenly risen against it, causing its gradual decline to
the weakened state of today.}

^{As the Patriarchate was the center of
gravity of the whole Eastern Church, we can easily realize that any
forces directed toward endangering its peace and security would have
destructive and deleterious effects upon the whole frame-work of the
church. This was exactly what happened. All of the major persecutions
against the Christians were aimed directly at the Patriarchate. For
centuries it was driven from one place to another, and finally forced
to seek refuge in the secluded mountains of Kurdistan, and by this time
it was so badly weakened, that the entire frame-work of the church had
collapsed. Greatly reduced in both material and spiritual forces, the
Church was unable to resist further the continuous onslaughts of
antagonistic forces against it, and as a result it gave way to almost
submission, thus losing its prestige and domination, and for many years
to follow forcing complete extension.}

^{In 779 A.D., the Patriarchate was
driven from Salak-Thispun to Baghdad. In 1257 A.D. under Mar Makekha
ShimunII, the Patriarchate was moved to Arbel. It is noteworthy at this
point, to mention that from 1265 A.D. on, the Patriarch ate was
inherited and carried on by the same family from which the present Mar
Eshai Shimun XXI, Catholicos Patriarch ate of the East, has directly
descended.}

^{In 1320 Patriarch ate was forced to
leave Arbel and take refuge in Alkoosh. In 1480 the Patririachate was
driven out of Alkoosh and moved to Marakha. In 1590 it was moved to
Khosrawa (Salamis). In 1592 the Patriarch ate moved to Qudchanis where
it became permanently established until 1915. It must be borne in mind
that the flight of the Patriarchate from one locality to another was
brought about by extreme pressure by the enemies of Christianity.
During the period of these different flights millions of Assyrian
Christians were brutally massacred by the blood-thirsty Caliphates that
came into power. Millions of others were converted to Mohammedanism by
force. Church, monasteries, libraries and institutions of learning were
completely destroyed. Cities were looted and burned down. The
unfortunate victims of these persecutions could not escape the wrath of
Islam. It was "forsake Christ and follow Mohammed."}

^{As the scope of this book only
permits this extremely abridged history of the church, we,
nevertheless, feel confident that we have laid the foundation for the
interested reader to do further research work on the amazing epic of
this people. The rise and fall of the Eastern Apostate form a
harmonious contrast. It brings out the elemental qualities of a race
that is rarely displayed in other peoples. Great zeal, courage, and
devotion to principle enabled this nation to withstand the
indescribable persecutions and massacres of the blood-thirsty
Mohammedans and Tartar barbarians. History clearly cites the butchering
campaigns conducted by Genghis-Khan, Tamerlane, Omar, Abdul Bakhir, and
now the Arabs of Iraq with the sanction of the British Government,
against the Assyrian Christians.}

^{CHAPTER II: FAISAL AL HUSAIN}

^{Faisal al Husain of
the Hijaz, whose father had taken up British arms against the Turks
during the world conflict, (not inspired by any so-called Arab
nationalism or Arab national aspirations, for there were none but
simply because the "British gold," which means everything to an Arab,
supplied by Lawrence of Arabia from an ever open purse, was too great a
thing to be set aside) took an indirect part in the massacre of the
Assyrians.}

^{It should be
remembered that Jamal (Turkish Commander, better known in Syria as
assassin) had previously refused Faisal's request for a post of
Qaimaqamship, as the Turks, with a very long experience of Arabs, knew
that Faisal was not competent for such a position but the English who
saw fit to give Faisal a tidbit, crowned him King of Iraq.}

^{While Husain and his
retinue, including his son, Faisal, had every thing to gain and nothing
to lose by taking up arms against their rulers, the Turks, with their
heads filled with hopes for "personal bright future," the Assyrians in
their homeland, Hakkiari, under their lion-hearted national leader, Mar
Benjamin Shimun, Patriarch (Assassinated by Simko 1918) together with
the valiant Assyrian leaders, decided to side with the Allies, first
with Christian Russia, and next with the British, in the hope that they
might secure after the victory, a self-government for the Assyrians.
This was promised them by the Russian officers, a promise that was
subsequently confirmed by one Captain Gracey of the British
Intelligence Service, who had paid them a special visit for the
purpose. Captain Gracey (Capt. Geo. F. Gracey, D.S.O. Overseas
Delegate, The Save the Children Fund. Armenian Refugees Association now
in London 1933) took the trouble to travel from Tiflis to Urmia to
strengthen the national promises already made to the Assyrians.}

^{Details of losses of
life and property sustained by the Assyrian nation as a result of her
action, have been fully recorded by various European, American and
Assyrian historians, and it would betray the object of this work if I
were to attempt the repetition of what has already been adequately
dealt with elsewhere. It suffices to say that we lost our all, and more
than one half of our numbers perished in our battles and subsequent
withdrawals from Turkey to Persia and then to Iraq, only to suffer
terribly at the hands of a pernicious Arab Government, the gutted child
of England.}

^{Sir John Simon, the
British Foreign Minister, in a speech before the Council of the League
of Nations in 1932, dealing with the entrance of the Assyrians into the
World War attempted to throw the onus on the Russian government, and
added by saying that we were housed and fed in the British camp at
Baqubah for a considerable time. If Sir John Simon wanted to create the
impression that we were housed and fed for the simple reason that
humanity demanded this or because of our "black eyes", his government,
the real cause for the recent atrocities, for having supported
unconsciously Iraq at the League, without adequate safeguards for the
protection of the Iraq minorities, (including the Assyrians, Britain's
ally during and after the War would not have remained a mere observer
at a time when women and children were being trodden down by Arab
horses and massacred by the forces of Faisal.}

^{British memory must
have been very short. We did not side with the allies thus losing our
fertile country and all that we possessed to be merely "housed and fed"
for about a year. It appears from Sir John Simon's speech that British
that British responsibility ended with the breaking up of the refugees'
camp at Baqubah. If that were so, the British authorities should have
adopted a straightforward policy and informed the Assyrians there and
then to place no reliance upon them. If that had been done, the
Assyrians, who extricated themselves from more difficult positions in
the past, could have saved themselves, and, without a shadow of doubt,
avoided the recent calamity that has befallen them.}

^{Whether Russia or
England were responsible for our unselfish entry into the war, the fact
remains that England did acknowledge the valuable services we rendered
to the Allied cause during the War as it will be seen from an extract
of a letter No. S.O./1128 dated 31^st May, 1924, from Sir
Henry Dobbs, the ex-British High Commissioner of Iraq, to Lady Surma
(In exile in Cyprus, November 1933) the aunt of the Mar Shimun,
Patriarch, a letter when I have reproduced in Mar Eshai's article on
page 48. Lady Surma was, in the absence of Mar Eshai Shimun,
administering the temporal affairs of the Assyrians.}

^{Had the present
outrageous and ferocious acts carried out against the Assyrian civil
population by the Iraq Government forces û dreadfully hostile to
all non-Arabs û been executed in lands under the jurisdiction of
Soviet Russia, the latter would not have remained indifferent as
England has. The Russians, it must be admitted, maintained their
loyalty and faithfulness to the Assyrians even after the Great Russian
Revolution when more than six hundred of their officers and men
remained with the Assyrians to share their difficulties and
tribulations after the Great Russian debacle.}

^{It may be seen from
the foregoing that while Faisal and his retinue, now ministers and
deputies in Iraq with an unrestrained power, were actually after theft
and booty the Assyrian national leaders, who sacrificed their all, had
one, and only one object in view, the observance of their national
entity, their faith and traditions.}

^{I hope that the king
of the Iraqis and the defender of the "sacred unity" and the Emperor of
Iraq (for southern Kurdistan is alleged to be an Iraq colony), will
excuse the clarity of this tone which I feel fully justified in using,
bearing in mind the scandalous attacks made against my dear countrymen,
the Assyrians, during the last six months, while His Majesty remained
bootless and tongue-tied.}

^{In this attitude of
mine, which will displease many of those who only see with Arab eyes, I
have for the first time been guided by the Prophet's saying Al' ain
bil 'ain wal sin bil sin.", "Eye for eye and tooth for tooth."}

^{Of the Amir
Ghazi (He succeeded his father on the throne of Iraq in 1933. King
Ghazi I an adult, twenty-three years of age. He is unintelligent and
failed his many instructors, for he has no aptitude for learning.
He is no more than a ball in the hands and at the mercy of his Iraqi
extremist ministers. Being a Sunni, he is hated by the great Shl'a
community. His unpopularity among the people of Iraq is due to his
fondness for wine and women and once unsupported by the British, his
fate would be as that of Ahmad Shah. Ghazi himself loathes life in
Iraq, and it is not improbable that his Republican rivals may easily
dethrone him one of these days.)}

^{The next master of
Kurdistan, I shall say nothing, as he is a pigeon for his Kurdish
military instructors. I, however, venture to add that the views of the
Kurdish nationalists in Iraq can be summed up in a few words, and I can
find no better words than those of Hamdi beg Baban (now in Baghdad,
November 1933) of the famous Kurdish Baban family, which he made public
property in 1929 (Le Pelerin 31-3-1929) These were:}

^{"It is better for
the Kurds to become the}

^{fur of a lion than
be the tail of a monkey."}

^{The remarks of
Hamdi beg, which he pronounced on a former occasion long before 1929
antagonized Miss Bell, the late oriental secretary to the High
Commissioner in Iraq but were she alive now to see Kurdish villages
devastated by British aerial and land troops in order to enforce a
policy of slavery upon the Kurds, to satisfy "Sidi Faisal," I doubt if
she would still blame the Kurds if they made overtures to the Turks,
implied in Hamdi's words.}

^{CHAPTER III: THE INHABITANTS OF IRAQ AND
THE IRAQ UNITY}

^{Because of the
"Teachings of Islam," an accurate census of the population of Iraq has
not been possible. Nevertheless, a census was taken by the British
civil administration after the occupation of the country and afterwards
by mandated Iraq which reckoned the population at approximately 3,000,000
persons distributed as follows:}

^{Sunna 500,000
Hereditary foes of the Shi'a}

^{Shi'a 1,300,000
oppressed by the ruling class, the Sunna}

^{Kurds 800,000
Continuously fighting the Arabs}

^{For political and no
other reasons}

^{Non-Moslem Minorities
400,000 League of Nations. These are:}

^{Assyrians Jews}

^{Chaldeans Bahais}

^{Jacobites Armenians}

^{Yazidis Sabeans}

^{Syrian Catholics
Shabak}

^{The Sunna}

^{By Sunna, I only refer
to the ruling class who have the reigns of the government in their
hands. The great majority of the Sunna themselves are not contended
with the present state of affairs, and look upon Faisal and his
successors as aliens to the Iraq and, therefore, refugees. Faisal is
also looked upon as an "agent provocateur" of the British and this has
aggravated the hatred against him. The Sunna of all classes and
professions realize that most of the revenues extracted from them by
coercive measures find their way into Faisal and his ministers'
pockets, and the latter, who, during the occupation had no trousers to
wear, are now owners of large tracts of lands,}

^{Properties of
first-class, palaces and cars, owners of a considerable number of
irrigation pumps, etc. It is a well known fact that the monthly pay of
a minister (though large) is insufficient to meet one night's demand of
the green table. (gambling)}

^{How and from what
source is the money coming? And how have they accumulated their present
wealth? Could it have been by other than theft and corruption? The
helpless (fallah) knows more things than I do. The ruling class,
most of whom are opportunists, realize that the present regime is not
of long duration, and the opportunity of "wealth-accumulation" may not
be of a recurring character, hence the wisdom of the policy of
extracting as much and as quickly as possible.}

^{Faisal's position is
precarious. (died in Berne, Switzerland on 8/9/33) He lies between two
evils. The British, who bombed him on to the Iraq throne, want him to
carry out their policy; the opposition party-if such it can be called
ûwho hate everything British, but who have the power in their
hand, want him to break his ties of friendship with England. If the
British Government thinks that Faisal is the right man to protect the
minorities, I am afraid that view is totally wrong. When King Faisal
visited Geneva in 1930, to look out ostensibly for means to facilitate
the entrance of Iraq into the League of Nations, Sir Eric Drummond,
then Secretary-General to the League advised him to go back to Iraq and
look after the minorities. Faisal could not have given the world a
better proof of his ability to "look after" them than the eventful
months proved that followed Sir Eric's advice.}

^{The Shi'a}

^{The Shi'a form the
largest Moslem community in Iraq with deep religious variations with
the Sunna. The districts they inhabit have been totally neglected
though they played a very important role in the Arab Insurrection of
1920 and, although all the brunt of the battles fell on their
shoulders, they derived little or no benefit from their enormous
sacrifices. King Faisal, the Sunni king, found no favour among the
Shi'a when the formalities preceding the coronation were in process,
but through corruption, threats and sweet promises, he was placed upon
the throne of Iraq.}

^{The Shi'a rightly feel
that they have been very badly treated by the ruling class and they did
not hesitate to say so in their application to the League of Nations in
which they asked for a remedy. (Al 'Urfan, Saida, 1932) They also asked
that an inquiry commission be sent to Iraq to go into their grievances
and remove the oppression to which they were being subjected by the
"savages brought from the desert" û the exact term they used in
their application. A Shi'a newspaper in Saidah published their protest
to the League and they did not fail to forward a copy to the Persian
Shi'a government. During my many interviews with His Excellency Mir
'Ali KhanZahir, the Persian Consul-General, Beyrouth, I gather that he
û though far from Iraq-was fully aware of his kinsmen's
difficulties and no doubt the Persian Government would not tolerate
with indifference the persecution of the Great Shi'a community, and it
may have been for this reason that the Persian Government has hesitated
in signing the various treaties û still outstanding û with
the Iraq Government.}

^{In order to force the
Government of Teheran to sign these treaties, the Arab officials have
recently devoted much of their time and energy to disturb the
conditions on the Perso-Iraq frontier (A Persian general was recently
killed) and these methods have, fortunately for Persia, not remained a
secret to the Persian press and Government.}

^{Most of the townsmen
in the Holy cities of Iraq are of Persian origin and they rightly claim
allegiance to the Persian Government. Moreover, the Teheran Shi'a
government cannot leave the Holy shrines to the mercy of the ruling
class who may, at any moment, violate the traditions and religious
customs that the Shi'a have upheld from time immemorial.}

^{Books and pamphlets of
highly malicious and dangerous nature were published some three months
ago by Sunnis against the Shi'a affecting their religious beliefs, and
the latter retaliated by adopting similar methods. One Sunni and one
Shi'a newspaper were suppressed a few weeks ago in Baghdad, but the
Sunni newspaper reappeared a month later.}

^{Ever since the
coronation of Faisal, there has been no Shi'a prime minister. They
have, however, had one Minister of Education whom the Shi'a themselves
call a nonentity, politically. He cannot be otherwise with a striking
majority of Sunnis in the Council of Ministers.}

^{Though the Shi'a
contribute largely to the Iraqi budget, the lines of communications in
their district û essential to the marketing of their produce
û are neglected and suffered to deteriorate. They have no
adequate medical or educational facilities and though they form the
majority of the Iraqi population as compared to the Sunna, the number
of the Shi'a deputies in parliament is much less than that of the Sunna.}

^{In 1933, the two rival
sects were represented as follows:}

^{Number of Population:
Shi'a--- 1,300,000 Number of Deputies: 28}

^{Sunna-- 500,000
Number of Deputies: 36}

^{Conciliatory measures
of very short duration have been the policy of the successive Sunni
governments, but a clash between the two communities is only a matter
of time. The Shi'a have not, and will not, forget their enormous
casualties of killed and wounded in Kadhimain above Baghdad, in 1926 by
their Sunni foes.}

^{On that occasion as
"Ashura" (Shi'adom Good Friday) there were over eighty thousand Shi's
(most of whom were women and children) in the shrine of Kadhimain and
Ja'far al 'Askaris.(now Iraq minister in London) Definite orders to the
Iraq army stationed at the military barracks in Baghdad were that the
army should cross from the left bank of the river Tigris and push on to
Kadhimain and kill off the whole of the Shi'a during their religious
procession when a Sunni Arab officer, Muhyiddin, had fomented the
trouble. I was, at that time, present with Captain R.E. Alderman,
C.I.E.;O.B.E. in the Mudir Nahiyah's office at A'dhamiyah to watch the
situation and report developments to higher authorities. The Iraq army
arrived but Captain Alderman issued orders to Captain Butler, the
English police officer, to cut off the A'dhamiyahùKadhimain
bridge, the only ferry that links Kadhimain with Baghdad at that point
of the river, and so thousands of the Shi'a lives were saved. But who
can guarantee that this will not recur?}

^{It is not a wonder
then if the Iraq army commits acts of barbarism against the Assyrian
peaceful civil population, who, after all, were a handful of
"unbelievers".}

^{The relations between
the Shi'a and the Sunna do not appear to have escaped the notice of the
members of the Permanent Mandates Commission who have thoroughly
studied (though unfortunately they were unable to bring their
recommendations home) the proposal of the British Government for the
premature emancipation of Iraq, and they were reluctant to do so as the
minutes of the twenty-first session of the Permanent Mandates
Commission (page 98) held at Geneva from October 26^th to
November 13, 1931, indicate for a reference to this important of the
Shi'a was made in the following sense.}

^{"M. Palacios noted
that the King and Prime Minister were Sunnis. He asked whether the
Shi's had free access to parliament and what was the political effect
of the antagonism between the two sects. The Commission had dwelt with
the question at previous sessions."}

^{Sir Francis Humphrys
representing the Mandatory Power replies: "that the cabinet always
included one Shi'a and that there were several Shi'a members of
Parliament. In Iraq, the two sects were fairly evenly divided."}

^{Reading Sir Francis'
statement with the protest of the Shi'a and bearing mind the
ill-feeling and discontent which is prevailing, Sir Francis does not
appear to be a good judge, and it is feared that history will repeat
itself as it did in Palestine. In this connection the remarks of M.
Orts, the Belgian member of the Mandates Commission are worth-while
recording. He said:"Admittedly, it had always been the rule of the
commission to place confidence in the Mandatory Powers; but Mandatory
Powers might be mistaken, particularly as regarded the public spirit
prevailing in the territories under their mandate. In Palestine, for
instance, the Mandatory Power had been completely misled as to the
feelings of the population. Four weeks before the 1929 massacres it was
still declaring, through the accredited representative, that the
country was quite calm and that it would be able to maintain order, if
necessary. The Commission was aware how events had belied that
assurance. The Commission could only assume direct responsibility with
regard to the actual situation in Iraq, if it possessed other means of
investigation û for instance, if it were able to study the
situation on the spot."}

^{I will now attempt to
make extracts from the protest (Original in Arabic translated by the
author) of the Shi'a and will leave the reader to draw his own
conclusions.}

^{"Ten years have
elapsed since the formation of the Iraqi government. The administration
is in the hands of certain individuals who share the power between
themselves by the occasional changing of hands, thus distributing the
government resources and revenues to their friends and companions.
Whereas we who, in the eyes of the foreign powers represent the
majority, are deprived, alas, of even a morsel of bread in a country on
whose soil we live, and where our fathers and forefathers lived free
and respected. All this is the result of those individuals'
encroachment upon us, forcibly taking our lands and settling in our
midst the savages of the desert, with a view of merging us into their
group, obliging us to bow to their will and commands so as to dispose
of us at their whims and interests. They are the same people who
intrigued against the Turkish Government, excited the hatred of the
army of occupation, and they are still knocking at all doors in order
to foster hatred and enmity. All this they are able to do as the power
is in their hands. No Shiite head of department or man of influence is
to be found in any of the overcrowded government departments, whether
executive or administrative. They, on the other hand, are enjoying the
resources of the government whilst we are suffering under miserable
oppression, and are disgusted with this unfortunate existence never
experienced under the former governments.}

^{"This gang (King
Faisal and his Ministers are implied) of individuals, by deceiving the
British Government, have succeeded in laying their hands on our Awqaf
(Religious legacies bequeathed for charitable purposes) lands, trade
and even our cemeteries. Our lives have thus become threatened; our
properties forced from us; our existence is in danger; and the
districts inhabited by the Shiite majority are completely neglected in
every respect, whether from the point of view of education, health or
public works. On the other hand, the districts inhabited by a majority
of their creed are in constant progress of improvement as regards
public works, education, agriculture, trade, etc. The cost of such
improvement is obtained from our labours, the 'sweat of our brow', our
resources and the taxes collected from us by their government.}

^{"A comparison in the
number of schools in the North and those in the South where the
majority is Shiite will at once reveal a conspicuous and wide
difference. This equally applies to agriculture, trade, health and
public works. Our demands whether for grants of agricultural lands or
in other respects are completely ignored, but such grants are
unhesitatingly made to their class of effendis and officials so as to
have an unshakable hold on us for election purposes, thus assuring
themselves of a majority in the Chamber of Deputies, whereasùas
is well known to everybodyùnot a single Shiite has been elected
to represent any of the northern districts ever since the formation of
the Chamber . On the other hand, our liwas only produce one or two
Shiite deputies for each liwa, and such cases are of constant
occurrence.}

^{"The cabinet which is
usually composed of seven ministers includes only one Shiite minister
of no importance and he may be better termed as 'political attache'
with no influence whatsoever. Ever since the formation of this
government not one Shiite minister has ever been appointed to a
ministry of importance such as Interior, but they have given us û
thank to God û the Ministry of Education and here again the
person chosen is a stop gap, as he is a nonentity. This is what we have
gained from the kindness of the Iraq government whose majority we form.}

^{"The oppression we
have and are still undergoing at their hands, such as unjustifiable
imprisonment and exile, the outraging of all that we hold sacred, the
ill-treatment publicly of our notable and chiefs without rhyme or
reason, the imposing of heavy fines under various pretenses, the
collection of heavy taxes and the employment of different methods for
our impoverishment and insults, compel us to call a blessing on the
past. In order to veil these high crimes from the Iraqi public and to
enable them to safely execute their plans and play their different
roles on the stage of their ministries and departments, they throw the
blame on the shoulders of the British.}

^{"At every stage they
enact harsh laws which no other tyrannical government has ever enacted,
and this is to deprive us of our freedom and rights. They have gone so
far as to dare to deport our Ulama (learned men) and they have adopted
a policy of creating dissensions by pursuing the maximum 'divide and
rule', thus creating differences, antagonism and hatred between our
tribal chiefs. This they are achieving through their policy of land
distribution by depriving the rightful owners of their lands.}

^{"The despotism
experienced by our children at the hands of their teachers, the sowing
of the seeds of dissension and the exciting of our communal sentiments,
all tend to indicate to us that a plot is on foot for the extermination
and the crushing of our community. A detailed analysis of their past
actions, such as the murder of innocent souls in the incidents at the
Holy cities of Kerbela, Kadhimain and Najaf would require volumes to
record, and such actions are incompatible with justice and conscience.}

^{"The number of Shiites
in government service does not exceed the number of fingers of one
hand, and even these employees are, moreover, tied down and threatened.
They have no stable or high positions, despite their intelligence and
capability which would merit them to handle senior government posts,
but unfortunately, they are treated as if they are not of this country
and do not possess the right of holding government appointments.}

^{"As the result of the
above treatment which we did not experience even in the dark ages, in
spite of the fact that we are living in a period known as the century
of light, we feel that our fate is neither more nor less than that of
the milch cow which gives its milk to others.}

^{"As for them, they
have free access to the treasury funds most of which are realized from
our toils as we have already stated above. Such funs are spent on their
pleasures and their numerous travels from which the country has derived
no benefit. In addition to their acts of oppression, had the sum
extracted from excessive taxation with which this community is burdened
and which they lavish on their pleasures, been spent for the relief of
the miserable ones of this community, the evil would have been less.}

^{"The leading members
of this gang draw enormous salaries such as the leaders of the richest
and most advanced countries do not receive, in addition to the numerous
embezzlements of government funds which they always manage to hide
between them. They have passed a Pension Law securing for them eternal
rights, without any advantage to the Shiite community. The Pension
allotment absorb one-third of the State receipts, such allotments being
distributed among themselves so that each of them has become rich and
happy.}

^{"Now that things have
reached their climax, the case of Iraq having come within the scope of
the League of Nations, and our case becoming of vital importance
touching as it does our interests, trade, livelihood and future, it is
not possible for us to be patient or bear it in silence."}

^{Copies of the above
protest were sent to:}

^{The League of
Nations, Geneva}

^{The British Foreign
Office}

^{The Chairman, Chamber
of Deputies, Teheran}

^{The Foreign Office of
the Turkish Republic, Angora}

^{The British High
Commissioner at Baghdad}

^{The Chairman, House
of Commons, London}

^{The Near East, London}

^{Al 'Urfan Saia,
Lebanon*}

^{Shafaq Sarkh, Teheran}

^{Many of the magazines}

^{To other civilized
countries}

^{The American
Consul-General, Baghdad}

^{The Turkish
Consul-General, Baghdad}

^{*Al 'Urfan which is a
Shiite magazine gave wide circulation to the protest from which I
obtained a copy. If some copies of the protest did not reach their
destination, it would be due to postal censorship.}

^{The Kurds}

^{The Kurdish proverb
says:-}

^{"Ni Hushtar Haiwan Ni
Arab Insan}

^{"Neither the camel is
an animal}

^{Nor is the Arab a
human being"}

^{The Kurds who inhabit
the three northern liwas of artificial Iraq, via Sulaimaniyah (the
center of Kurdish nationalism), Arbil and kirkuk Liwas on the Turkish
and Persian borders, together with about 80,000 Kurds in the Mosul
Liwa, and about a similar number in the Diyalah and Kut Liwas, number
some eight hundred thousand. In Sulaimaniyah, for instance, Count
Telski's Commission found only one Arab shopkeeper. The Kurds have
revolted several times with the sole object of recovering their
national rights officially acknowledged (but unfortunately denied) in a
proclamation issued by both the British and Arab Governments. The
Kurds, though Moslems, are not Arabs. This is the last thing they want
to be. The difference between the two is like that between the angel
and the devil. The Kurd far from being fanatic is tolerant if left
alone. The Kurds enjoyed a wide measure of autonomy long before the
Arab dreamt of any self-government. Their villages have been devastated
by constant aerial bombardment and time-delayed-bombs have been used
against them. Tons of explosives were poured over them by the British
planes in order to support the despised authority of Faisal and his
government.}

^{Since the war, the
Kurds, especially those in southern Iraq, have been very friendly to
the non-Moslems, but the malicious policy planned in Baghdad and
supplied by the Arab provincial officials of setting them against the
non-Moslems was the sole cause for certain incidents that have occurred
between the two friendly elements. The report issued by the British
Colonial Office on the progress of Iraq for the years 1920-1931 (p.277)
admits that Baghdad was the root of all such regrettable incidents.}

^{Hafsa Khanim, the wife
of Qadir Agha who is the brother of Sheik Mahmur Barzanji, the famous
Kurdish revolutionist, informed me in 1930 when Sheik Mahmud was in
revolt, (only to be suppressed by British aeroplanes and British
diplomacy) that a time will come "when the lousy Arab Government is no
longer supported by the British and then we shall see whether or not he
Arab can put his foot in Kurdistan". I believe her.}

^{The last Kurdish
revolt led by Sheik Ahmad of Barzan was again suppressed by the British
on the 22^nd of June 1932. The last words of Sheik Ahmad to
Captain V. Holt, the oriental secretary to the British High
Commissioner for Iraq, who had gone up to persuade the Sheik to accept
"bright personal concessions" and lay down his arms, were:}

^{"It is more honourable
for me to surrender to my open enemy, the Turk, rather than to an
hypocrite friend (The British Government is implied) or to be a slave.
(Faisal is implied). Sheik Ahmad is t the moment of writing in Mosul
and he is being made to sign declaration of loyalty (sic) to his
Majesty King Faisal in support of the Iraq sacred unity.}

^{Some of the Kurds are
being given injections of morphine to 'keep silent', but I am sure that
Faisal and his Government know that Kurdistan is a bitter pill to
swallow, and that the valiant sons of Kurdistan who have already shed
no little of their blood will know how and when to throw off from their
shoulders the yoke of the Arabs. I am also sure of the Kurdish ability
and patriotism to do so successfully, but again everything depends on
the British who had so many engagements with the Kurds for the simple
reason of upholding the impossible authority of Faisal. The attitude of
the Kurds vis-à-vis the King of Iraq, and the alleged Iraqi
unity, can be summed up as follows and as was recorded in the British
report on the administration of Iraq for the period October 1920--March
1922.}

^{"A scheme for the
division of Iraq into 10 liwas, 35 Qadhas and 85 Nahiyahs, closely
following the lines of the former Turkish organization, was passed on
December 12^th, and received my approval with certain
reservations regarding the Kurdish districts, which the Council,
unmindful of restrictions imposed by the Treaty of Sevres, had treated
on the same basis as the rest of Iraqà"}

^{Dealing with the
electoral law, the report states:}

^{"Neither did it
contain any recognition of the safeguards to which under the Treaty of
Secres the Kurdish communities of Iraq were entitledàIn
accordance with the policy agreed upon t the Cairo Conference, shortly
after my return I proceeded to ascertain the wishes of the Kurdish
districts, which lay within the area of the British Mandate, with
regard to inclusion in the Iraq State, and on May 6^th a
communication on the subject was circulated by the Advisers in the
Mosul, Kirkuk and Sulaimaniyah divisions. I pointed out that from such
information as had reached me it would appear the opinion in the
Kurdish district was divided between fear lest their interests should
Baghdad and a desire to maintain the Iraq economic and industrial ties
which it would be inconvenient to severàThe Sulaimaniyah liwa
decided not to take part in the election of a King for IraqàIn
kurkuk, while the candidature of the Amir was rejected, there was no
consensus of opinion as to an alternative. The Kurdish section asked
for a Kurdish Government. Ultimately a petition was presented to me
asking that the division might be given a year's grace before coming to
a decisionàIn the presence of representatives of all local
communities and of deputations from every liwa of Iraq, except
Sulaimaniyah and Kirkuk, I proclaimed H.H. the Amir Faisal to have been
duly elected King of Iraq and announced his recognition as by His
Britannic Majesty's Government. On the Kurdish side, the Kemalists have
had troubles of their own. In January they were forced to take action,
attended with no great success, for the subjection of the Hawerki, and
in October they attacked Shernakh with a considerable force, partly
composed of tribes at feud with 'Abdul Rahman Agha, Sheik of Shernakh,
who has been practically independent since the armistice. He has been
at pains to cultivate friendly relations with the British authorities
and on the arrival of the Amir Faisal, he, with other Kurdish leaders,
expressed to the latter their willingness to accept him as King and to
form part of Iraq State under conditions of local autonomy."}

^{"Sulaimaniyah division
rejected almost unanimously, any form of inclusion under the Iraq
government."}

^{It is clear from the
foregoing that the Kurds did not participate in the election of the
King and that they showed a determined desire not to be included in
Iraq. It cannot therefore be claimed that Faisal or his heirs after him
are the legal masters of Kurdistan. Kurdistan is Kurdistan and her
ruler must be a Kurd not an Arab. Faisal was forced upon them, thanks
to the British bayonets.}

^{The attitude of the
Kurds has not changed and will not change. They are discontented and
they have demonstrated this discontent on every possible occasion.}

^{Through malicious
propaganda carried out in Europe by their enemies, the Arabs included,
the Kurd has been wrongly pictured as an unenlightened and backward
person. This is totally wrong. It has been proved in practice time and
again, that the Kurd will not betray his friend, as an Arab does, or
murder his captives in battle. While the British were mercilessly
bombing the Kurds in 1932, Sheik Ahmad captured certain British
officers. He treated them well and at the request of the British High
Commissioner who had sanctioned aerial bombardment to prepare Iraq for
entry into the League of Nations, the wounded British prisoners were
permitted by the Kurdish leader to be taken to Baghdad. An Arab would
not have done this. Read the chapter dealing with Arab barbarism in
Iraq. It is an established historical fact that the Arabs of Iraq who
took no part in the world conflict were always on the winning side.
Once with the Turks, next with the British. They had no object but
loot. Turkish and English disabled prisoners of war were killed most
treacherously by Arabs and were looted. Graves containing Turkish and
English dead were unearthed and the dead were dispossessed of any
valuable articles that were found upon them. Arabs actually killed
Turks, of their own religion, but their bellies, in search of gold
liras which they thought theTurkish soldiers had swallowed. The word
"Khayin Arab" (Treacherous Arab) became universal throughout the
Turkish Empire.}

^{This is the type of
Arab to whom England has seen fit to grant independenceùnot only
independence but full power to extend his tyrannical rule to the Kurds,
Assyrians, and the other minorities.}

^{This is the Arab and
that is the Kurd. The reader can judge for himself and compare between
the two, if comparison is at all admissible.}

^{The Arab newspapers of
Iraq have recently stated that "The Kurds are scorpions and that they
must be crushed under the heels of the Arab shoes." There must be some
superhuman power that is preventing the Kurds from overthrowing the
Arab yoke. The coming months must be eventful.}

^{Kurds and Assyrians
have been living in harmony in the Mosul Wilayet for years, and they
could still live peacefully together, had it not been for the evil seed
sown by the Arab Ministers and alleged politicians to cause friction
and dissension between the two friendly elements. The Kurds have
already informed the League of Nations, no doubt in vain, that spiteful
propaganda was being conducted by Arabs and that if they were given
their autonomous Kurdistan, to which they are legally entitled in
Assyria, the Arab propaganda would not find a fertile field in either
autonomous Kurdistan or autonomous Assyria. So long as this is not
done, Kurdistan cannot be free from the harmful Arab propaganda due, no
doubt, to the presence of Arab officials in Kurdistan.}

^{In the 1930 rising of
Sheik Mahmud Barzanji, Arabs, employed on the repairing of roads in
Kurdistan by the public Works Department under Mr. Herford, were
withdrawn and replaced by Assyrians as the Kurds were attacking the
Arabs so employed but never molested the Assyrians.}

^{Ever since 1919, there
has been perpetual trouble in Kurdistan. Further serious trouble is
neither unlikely nor unforeseen so long as the political rights of the
Kurds are denied.}

^{The Mandatory Power in
Iraq has been guilty of bombing Kurdish women and children. The purpose
of this book is not to deal at length with the Kurdish problem. I will
merely attempt to give in some detail the tragic consequences of one of
the recent operations undertaken by the British Air Force, and that is
why, I presume, Sir Henry Dobbs has made his statement, reproduced
elsewhere.}

^{My thanks are due to a
Kurdish Officer for supplying the following sad information as he
happened to be in the operations' zone.}

^{Statement (reached me
on 19/7/1932) showing Kurdish villages destroyed during the operations
against Sheik Ahmad of Barzan during the period November 1931 to June
1932:}

^{DISTRICT BAROJ}

^{Original Number of
Number of Houses}

^{Names of Villages
Houses Destroyed}

^{Hastan 19 7}

^{Resha 28 19}

^{Bediar 18 8}

^{Be-yi 37 30}

^{265

Note:
All the population,
peaceful and otherwise, migrated. So far only 10% have returned.
Tobacco, crop, orchards were completely destroyed.

DISTRICT MIZURI

Names of Villages Original
Number of Number of Houses Houses Destroyed

Dodamar 8 8
Sararkar 18 18
Girkamah 23 15
Sararkiar 27 20
Mergazar 21 14
Shirwan-Mazin 80 45
Lati 12 07
Kilkamu 28 16
Ghamada 25 25
Hupa 28 28
Zaiti 37 16
Dukan-dara 19 09
Laira 22 07
Adelbey 21 08
Stopi 18 07
Salki 32 14
Gozi 38 21
Banan 41 19
Arghosh 85 38
Shiwa 51 14
Sailor 17 08
Ravina 36 20
Tavi 18 08

85

Note: Only 15% of the population have
returned to their homes. Remarks: Reference Cultivation as for Baroj
district.

For reasons of policy the
British authorities have been assuring the League of Nations that all
is well in the Kurdish districts. The following copy of a circular (and
this is only one of many) should show where the truth lies.

FROM THE DISTRICT OF DOHUK

To All Kurds (through the Kurdish agents of
the northern districts)
Pay attention. Open your eyes and have a look
around yourselves. The British have just concluded a treaty with Iraq
in which the Kurdish rights have not been taken into consideration. In
two years time, the British Mandate will be lifted and subsequently
Iraq will become free upon its entry into the League of Nations. The
Kurds will remain broken-hearted under the Arabs. It would, therefore,
be shameful to us if we do not claim our rights as the people of
Sulaimaniyah have been doing. Our brethren, men and women, in
Sulaimaniyah, are doing their utmost in the interests of their cause.
They have succeeded in inviting the notice of the League of Nations and
His Excellency the High Commissioner to their cries. If we do not join
Sulaimaniyah, our status would no doubt become worse and our rights
would be entirely lost.

We, the undersigned, have been appointed by
the tribes of Sindi, Guli, Birwari, Doski and by all other people of
the Northern districts to put this Bayannama (Notification) on their
behalf before the world and claim the rights of the Kurds. Our wishes
are the same as those of Sulaimaniyah and we differ on no point at all.

We too, like the liwa of Sulamaniyah want the
establishment of an independent Kurdish State (they mean an autonomous
Kurdistan which was recommended by Count Telekib Commission) in
accordance with the resolutions of the League of Nations.

Signed Sheik Nuri Brifkani
Sheik Giyath ud Din
Sheik Raqib Surchi
Adib effendi, Rais Baladiyah of Amadiyah

Tirkhan Haji Rashid beg Birwari
Sheik Shahab, Ziber

Copies of the above were sent to: The League
of Nations, the High Commissioner, (Baghdad) the Prime Minister of the
Arabs, The British Parliament, and the people of liwa of Sulaimaniyah.

Copies are also on the files of the Special
Service Officer and Administrative Inspector, Mosul. The circular is
dated 9/8/30 which was translated by Muhammad Sa'id effendi, the
Kurdish translator of the Mosul liwa.

In conclusion, I find it my duty for the
purpose of history, if for nothing else, to assure the noble Kuirdish
Nation that the Assyrian levies had at no time the desire or option to
operate in Kurdistan. The Assyrian chiefs, particularly their paramount
leader, The Mar Shimun, Patriarch, did their best to maintain
friendly relations with their traditional neighbours and if they await
the day of reckoning, their target should be the British and Iraqi
troops. In proof of this statement, I append below copies of
correspondence which should not be disadvantageous to the Kurds.

Code telegram dated 24/10/30 sent on behalf
of Iraq minorities from Mosul to London:

"Trouble Sulaimania. Arab army moved up to
stop Air Force
and levies to co-operate despite strong
protest Mar Shimun directed
High Commissioner 11.9.30. See copy Lambeth
stop.Christians
Terrified trouble villages future relations
Kurds. Chaldeo-
Assyrians in danger stop Please approach
Foreign Office intervene
Urgent." Ends
Lambeth Palace, .E.I. 25^th
October 1930

Private
DearàThe Archbishop of Canterbury
directs me to thank you for the important communication which you have
sent him this morning. The Archbishop will try and get some chance of
communicating with Lord Passfield. He fully realizes the grounds for
anxiety about the position of the Assyrians.
Yours sincerely (Signed) M.G. Haigh
Downing Street, 3^rd November 1930

Sir,
I am directed by Lord Passfield to refer to
your letter of the 24^th of October in which you protest
against the alleged intention of the High Commissioner for Iraq to
employ the Assyrian levies in connection with "the rising that has
occurred in the Sulaimaniyah District."

In the first place, so far as His Lordship is
aware, there has been no "rising" in the Sulaimaniyah District or
elsewhere in Iraq. Certain precautionary troop movements are, however,
now in progress, directed against the possibility of an incursion into
Iraq territory by Shaikh Mahmud who has lately been showing activity.
The Assyrian levies are not involved in these movements, and
consequently, your apprehensions on their account are devoid of
foundation.
Equally unfounded are your statements that
Kurdish leaders have been imprisoned "on account of their action in
presenting a petition to the League of Nations" and that "it is the
deliberate policy of the Iraq Government to incite the Kurds against
the Assyrians." The Kurdish leaders in question were arrested because
they were, on good grounds, believed to have been responsible for the
rising which took place in Sulaimaniyah town on the occasion of the
primary elections. Their arrest was carried out on the instructions of
a British official (Captain C.H. Gowan, M.B.E; M.C who was acting
Mutasarrif on the illegal withdrawal of Colonel Tawfig Wahh Bet.) and
after full consideration of the evidence available.
Your Statement that the Assyrian levies should
not be "exposed to the risk of further deaths in battle" and your
request that they should not be used "in hostilities not of their own
making" only require to be set out in this form to supply their own
answer. Clearly soldiers who are engaged for general service cannot be
exclusively employed in operations in which there is no danger of life
or for the suppression of disturbances which they or their kinsfolk
have themselves provoked.
Lord Passfield has received a copy of the
petition addressed to the Acting High Commissioner for Iraq through the
Assyrian Patriarch, to which you refer, and I am to enclose for your
information a copy of the reply which Sir R. Brooke-Popham has returned
to this communication.
Finally, Lord Passfield observes that the
statements made and the fears expressed in your present letter appear
to be as devoid of foundation as the majority of the reports on the
subject of the Christian minorities in Iraq, which you have lately seen
fit to communicate to the press. In His Lordship's opinion, the
dissemination of these misleading reports can only serve to excite
religious animosities, to estrange the Iraq Government, an to unsettle
the Assyrians themselves, whose hope of future welfare depends on their
becoming merged in the body politic of Iraq, being accepted as loyal
subjects of King Faisal and living in peace with their neighbours. His
Lordship can imagine no greater disservice to the communities whose
welfare you claim to have at heart, than to encourage them in agitation
against the government of the country in which they have to live.

A copy of this letter is being communicated to
His Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury.
I am, Sir, Your obedient servant (signed)
J.E.W.Flood}

^{CHAPTER IV: THE ASSYRIANS}

^{The traditional Temporal leader and
the Spiritual Head of the Church of the East, Mar Eshai Shimun XXI,
Catholicos Patriarch, deals to a certain extent, and in general terms,
with the part the Assyrians played in the war and after. He illustrates
in no uncertain terms, not only the illimitable ungratefulness of the
British government, but also its treachery and how, as it will be seen
under the relevant chapter, that Government gave the fanatic,
blood-thirsty Arab of Iraq, a sword with unlimited and unmerited power
to slaughter any Christian who would not embrace Muhammadanism. Thus
Britian has, to her everlasting shame, betrayed the Assyrians and the
other Eastern Christian people, in the greatest measure possible.}

^{Americans and Europeans might not
believe this, but this has actually occurred in Mosul in the north of
Iraq during August 1933. The British aerial authorities were good
enough, for purposes of curiosity, to photograph from the air some of
the horrible scenes of manslaughter that had taken place. But they were
û so they say û unable to stop the massacre as that would
have been derogatory to the Arab name and the Iraqi sovereignty!}

^{The statement of Mar Eshai Shimun
follows:}

^{"It must have been predestinated
by the British Government that the Assyrian Race, with its glorious
past, should have no place in the world to live in peace and to prosper
like any other people. The British representatives in Iraq have
verbally and in writing acknowledged on more than one occasion, the
valuable services we rendered during the war to Allied cause as a whole
and particularly to the British during and after the war with
unparalleled cost to my people in life and property. It would suffice,
as an urgent necessity, to quote Sir Henry Dobbs' words conveyed in a
memorandum dated 31^st of May 1924, addressed to Lady Surma
D'Beit Mar Shimun for the information of the Assyrians.}

^{'His Britannic Majesty's Government
have given the most careful consideration for sometime to the question
of safeguarding the interests of the Assyrian people, keeping in view
both the services which they rendered to the Allied cause during the
war and their future relations with the Iraq State.'}

^{"It must be borne in mind that the
fate of the Mosul Wilayet and its rich oil fields was still hanging in
the balance and the co-operation of the Assyrians, which was
forthcoming on definite undertakings, as essential in assigning the
Wilayet to Iraq. It was, as Sir Henry will recollect, the atrocities
committed against the Christians in the Goyan and the Assyrian case in
particular, that weakened the Turkish claim, but if they knew that
those atrocities with more ferocity would be repeated in Iraq, which
was until nine months ago under British tutelage, we would have
certainly supported the Turkish claim as all the other inhabitants of
the Wilayet would have done unconditionally.}

^{"More important than Sir Henry's
letter of appreciation quoted above, is his letter (Reproduced in full
at the end of this chapter) to Sir Kenehan Cornwallis, Adviser Ministry
of Interior, Baghdad, which has just been brought to my notice in which
he stated that 'The Yazidis, the allies of the Assyrians, should be
satisfied by appointing a Christian Qaimagam in Sinjar to be a sign to
the Assyrians that we have no deep designs in placing the Assyrians
under Kurdish or Arab domination.'}

^{"Certain unprincipled politicians who
are morally responsible for the present tragic fate of the Assyrians,
in order to throw a thick mask on their misleading reports, are
mis-representing the Assyrian just cause to such an extent as to convey
the impression that as we were in the wrong with the Turks so we are
wrong in the present case with the Arabs. But I am glad to observe that
there are many personalities among the noble English public, who are
not influenced or misled by such reports, that are being published,
most of which are devoid of foundation, and to note that such
personalities are supporting right against might.}

^{"Through follies of Turkish junior
officials-mainly not of Turkish origin û my predecessor Mar
Benjamin Shimun, Patriarch, and the Assyrian leaders communicated an
ultimatum to the Government of the Sultan to stop the massacres and
aggressions committed against the Assyrians of Gawar and Albaq
districts by Kurdish tribesmen who were instigated by the said
officials, and having received no satisfaction û due probably to
Turkish pre-occupation in other theatres of war û an armed
conflict was unavoidable. Mar Benyamin was, however, informed by the
Turkish government that his brother, Hormizd, a student in Stamboul
would be executed if the Assyrians rose and joined the Allied Powers.
Mar Benyamin replied that he was prepared to sacrifice his one brother
rather than sacrifice the whole nation.}

^{"Russian support, though small was
forthcoming and it was gratifying to note that the Assyrians who fought
fifteen important battles on Turkish soil against overwhelming regular
and irregular forces, with a minimum loss of life, testified once more
to merit the name of their great ancestors.}

^{"Various historians of different
nationalities who paid us visits, and t times lasting ones in the
mountains of Hakkiari have dwelt at length on the Assyrian autonomous
regime which we then enjoyed. The Assyrians under their own system of
many centuries were, for all intents and purposes, the masters of their
internal affairs.}

^{"On our arrival in Persia, in the
province of Azerbaijan, namely, Urmia and Salmas, where we were able to
join the Russians, an Assyrian regular force was formed when again the
Assyrian gallantry was displayed by the re-occupation of their
ancestral home which they would have totally and permanently occupied
had it not been for the Great Russian Revolution that resulted in
disaster to the Assyrian national cause. From our past experience of
Christian Russian and of the Russians, an Assyrian self-government
would have been attained under Russia, if under no other protection.
Subsequent to the Russian withdrawal, we were attacked by Turkish,
Persian and Kurdish forces, but we maintained our positions intact for
one year and gained many victories. Our ammunition was exhausted and
unless urgent help was forthcoming, it was impossible to stand any
longer in the face of fully equipped forces}

^{"In Persia, the British Military
Advisers tried to get in touch with my people in vain. Captain Geo. F.
Gracey who was in Tiflis, (Overseas Delegates. The Save the Children
Fund, Armenian Refugees Association.) paid my people a visit and
confirmed in no uncertain terms the promises made by Russian officers
and promised British help and support. Finally, the Assyrians were
visited by flying officer Pennington, only to confirm on behalf of the
British Government Captain Gracey's undertakings and to beg the
Assyrians to hold on to their positions until arms and ammunition
reached them. This the Assyrians carried out faithfully and
successfully with the arms that the Russians had left behind but not
without further sacrifices by my people as they were cut off from the
outside world.}

^{"From Persia we withdrew to Baqubah,
near Baghdad (the latter place was now a center for anti-Assyrian
intrigues- which was in British hands. Here many people were very well
treated by the British government. An Assyrian force was raised under
the British in 1918, after which arose the question of the future of
the Assyrians.}

^{"A repartition scheme was put in
operation and the Assyrians concentrated in the Mindan camp in the Liwa
of Mosul in preparation for an onward move to re-occupy their homeland
in Turkey. British officers accompanied the Assyrians, but partly due
to the Arab insurrection of 1920 and partly to defective organization,
the scheme fell out and the Mindan camp was closed down in the summer
of 1920. Another attempt was made chiefly by lower and upper Tiyaris
and Tkhuma to re-occupy Hakkiari, which they did, but were turned out
two years after in the summer of 1923 as the Assyrian young men were
for the great part in the employ of the British and there were not
sufficient men to defend the place. Some of those who left the Mindan
camp were distributed in the ruined unhealthy regions in Dohuk and Agra
districts only to suffer from severe disease. Had there been a genuine
desire to settle the Assyrians, they would have by now been a
prosperous people. Captain Foweraker, in spite of many difficulties put
in his way, did good work to effect a satisfactory settlement, but
unfortunately, all his labours were undone by Iraqi officials.}

^{"Due to the troubled conditions in
Kurdistan, the British Military and Civil authorities engaged the
Assyrians in continuous battles which otherwise would have been
conducted by the British troops. After the successful conclusion of the
battles, which was naturally to arouse ill-feeling against the
Assyrians, it was only fair on the part of those who utilized the
services of the Assyrians to protect them against any further attacks
or settle them in such a manner as to be able to defend themselves.
Appreciation in words of services rendered is but a cold conciliation
and expression of bare sympathies are still colder.}

^{"The Assyrians were engaged in the
following battles:}

^{One Assyrian battalion
co-operated with the British forces in the districts of Dohuk, Zakho,
Agra and Amadiyah in 1919 and 1920.
Suppression of the Kurdish rising of Agra and
Surchi, and Zibari tribes in 1920.
Defeating Kurdish rebel tribes of Agra and
Arbil-Batas areas in 1922.
In 1923, Assyrian irregular forces operated and
recaptured Amadiyah.
Assyrian irregular forces supported by two
Assyrian companies engaged against the Sheik of Barzan in 1923, during
which engagement a Malik (Tribal chief) and 18 Assyrians were killed.

Capture of Rowanduz and environs from the Turkish
and Kurdish forces by thee Assyrian battalions and one pack battery in
1923.
Operations on a large scale at different
intervals against the brave Kurdish leader, Sheik Mahmud of
Sulaimaniyah, and his tribesmen during 1924-28.

"In addition to the above various other minor
operations were undertaken to control the turbulent northern Iraq as
the British troops were withdrawn in 1921 and the burden had to fall on
the Assyrian loyal troops. The Assyrian police, whose services I have
not mentioned, also played an important role in defending the northern
frontiers of Iraq.

"It will, therefore, be seen that the Assyrian
people have been sorely tried and have remained refugees and homeless
for the last 18 years after which they were deserted to be massacred in
August 1933.

"The reasons leading up to the recent atrocities
and outrageous acts committed against the Assyrian civil population
have been partly recognized and reported to the League of Nations, whom
I am furnishing with more particulars, which, under the terrible
conditions my people and myself have been labouring, was an
impossibility. The Iraq Government, the military and civil forces,
under whose orders the latter were acting, is primarily and wholly
responsible for the recent atrocities. The Iraq Government will deny
any killing of Assyrian non-combatants, but the Assyrian widows and
orphans, devastated villages, the ruins that can be seen, and the
innocent blood crying high, are the best testimony that I can produce
in support of my statement. The Kurds, upon whose shoulders the Iraq
government will try to throw the responsibility for the heart-breaking
events, are not responsible. It is true that certain Kurds, instigated
and armed by the Iraq government did commit theft, but they did not
participate in the wholesale massacres. On the contrary, I have
evidence to show that certain Kurdish chiefs and Aghas actually
protected the isolated Assyrians whose fate would have otherwise been
similar to that of their brethren.

"The attitude of the Iraq government towards the
Assyrians has been inimical throughout, and it become a real danger as
soon as the Iraq government was let loose after its admission into the
League of Nations. We have definite cases of grave miscarriage of
justice and of intolerance on the part of the Iraq government to show
that such was the attitude.

"The presence of Major Thomson, appointed by the
Iraq government as settlement expert in an Advisory Capacity, was the
best excuse for the Iraq government to fall on the Assyrians. The Iraq
government viewed the settlement scheme with suspicion and various
pretexts were found to render Thomson's scheme futile. Finally, on the
10^th and 11^th of July 1933, two meetings were
held in the office of Mutasarrif of Mosul when the Iraq government's
policy for a heterogeneous settlement that would have undoubtedly led
to the complete destruction of the Assyrians, was explained. At these
meetings, the Mutasarrif and the other officials, in order to make the
Assyrians more desperate than what they were, said that those who
disapprove his government's policy should leave the country
immediately. He further said that Persia would disperse them, and that
Turkey would not accept them. Under the intolerable conditions to which
the Assyrians were deliberately driven, they had no alternative but to
migrate to Syria. Certain Assyrian representative leaders, with some
hundreds of their men, left Mosul quite peacefully and in good order
carrying their arms which they had legally acquired for
self-protection, if occasion demanded it. The first group reached a
point on the Syro-Iraq frontier where they dispatched a letter to the
Iraq government to say that 'they had emigrated in accordance with the
declared policy of the government; that they had no intention of
fighting whatsoever; and that they request the government not to molest
their families and relatives who wished to join them' Had the Iraq
government honestly kept up the terms of its announcement made at Mosul
and had they not harassed the groups that were following the first
batches, I am sure that not one single drop of innocent blood would
have been shed. Due to hatred and fanaticism, and in order to
demonstrate their military power before the discontented Kurds of the
whole Wilayet and before the Shi'a who were on the brink of war with
the Sunnis, the Iraq government saw the moment opportune to massacre
the Assyrians. Only four weeks previously, the Iraqi Prime Minister had
declared in parliament that The Assyrians were a peaceful people and
that he had yet to learn of any aggression by them on the villages in
their vicinity.

"For the last five months, extensive
anti-Assyrian propaganda passed unchecked. The silence of the
government meant encouragement to those who were after the Assyrian
blood for many years past. Revolutionary speeches against the Assyrians
were made in parliament just four weeks before the 'massacre' and had
the British government moved then, the Assyrian women and children
would not have been made widows and orphans. I protested to the Iraq
government, sending copies of my protest to the Foreign Diplomats. The
anti-Assyrians began to feel uneasy about the whole situation.

"Finally, the Iraq government enacted an
emergency law on the 15^th of August 1933, which resulted in
my deportation from Iraq on the 18^th of August 1933. The
legality of such a law that renders thousands of other members of the
Iraq minorities under the mercy (if such a term can be used) of the
Iraq government is a matter for the civilized world to decide.

"I left Iraq on the strict understanding that I
would be free to place the case of my people before the world and I was
promised by the Air-Vice-Marshal that as soon as I left, he would,
together with other British officers, leave immediately for the zone of
massacre to establish at Dohuk a refugee camp that would accommodate
the orphans, children and panic-stricken Assyrians. He went as far as
Mosul and I am informed that the Iraq government prevented him from
going any farther as I presume the Iraqi officials were either still
busy in the massacre or were removing the signs of their barbarous
acts. A large number of women and children have been killed by rifle,
and revolver shots. Hundreds of noncombatants have been assassinated.
Over a thousand Assyrian women and children have been brought to Mosul
and are being terrorized. Pressure is being brought to bear upon them
to say that the Kurds, and not the Iraq army, committed the atrocities.
No one knows what is happening to the other Assyrians who have escaped
the massacre. Assyrian priests were persecuted and tortured. Pregnant
women were bayoneted. We have a complete list of the people thus
tortured and the denial of the Iraq government is yet to be judged by
the civilized world.

"The whole matter is now in the hands of the
League of Nations. We had formerly warned the League that we did not
feel secure until effective measures had been taken that would ensure
our safety. The warning was not taken seriously. The British opposition
was too strong with the lamentable results now known to the whole world.

"No plans for the future have been formulated,
but we insist that a permanent, satisfactory solution should be sought
that would ensure us permanent safety to live as a free people and not
like serfs. We naturally also insist that those responsible should reap
what they have sown.

"I now appeal most earnestly to the civilized
world for a fair judgment, particularly to the British public, in whose
impartiality and high sense of justice the Assyrians have not lost
faith. The British public, when aware of the true facts will not
tolerate with indifference the persecution of the Oldest Christian
People in the world who have been faithful and loyal to Our Lord
throughout many ages of persecution. The British public opinion can
bring influence to bear on the British Government to redeem the many
pledges and promises made to the Assyrians but which, alas, were broken
time after another."

If I am not accused of inquisitiveness, I should
like to offer a few observations on the above statement, as I feel that
the Assyrians were not fully aware of what was going on behind the
scenes when even they were so loyally serving the interests of the
British Empire. The aims behind the British games would have had
remained obscure to me, had I not been a Government Official and so had
the opportunity of seeing what others could not see. I know that I will
be accused of disloyalty, but I firmly believe that all means are legal
when one's nation is at stake.

His Britannic Majesty's Government promise
conveyed in Sir Henry Dobbs' memorandum to safeguard the interests of
the Assyrians; has been fulfilled in that the channels of blood of
Assyrian women and children have flown side by side with the pipe lines
that carry oil from Mosul to the port of Haifa.

Again, Sir Henry's note to Sir Kenehan Cornwallis
that "if they have it in their heads that we are initiating a final
move for putting them under the Arabs, they may run amort" requires
some explanation. That note was written subsequent to the meeting held
between the Mar Simun's father and Sir Henry Dobbs when the former
protested against the military expedition that was being sent against
Sheik Daud-I-Daud, the Yazidi chief. As the future of the Jabal Sinjar,
the home of the Yazidis, was not yet defined, sir Henry Dobbs advised
the Ministry of the Interior (Baghdad) that before embarking upon the
contemplated operations, the French authorities in Syria should be
informed in order to take the wind out of the sails of the Yazidis who
otherwise would open the door to the French, enabling them to take a
public attitude. In that case, Sir Henry added, 'we should have been in
a much worse position'. Sir Henry concluded by saying that "we must
take no action that would arouse the feelings of the Christians in
Mosul as their sympathies are for the French and we know that Paulus (a
member on the Commission of the League of Nations) has definite ideas
of handing the Mosul Wilayet to the French".

The Assyrians and the other Iraqi minorities must
certainly be the allies of the Yazidis against the tyrannical power of
the Iraqi government. It was not long ago when the Yazidis under their
paramount leader, Hamo Shero of Jabal Sinjar, gave shelter to more than
two thousand Christian refugees who were escaping the 1915 massacres in
Turkey. Rev. Yusuf Tufankchi, the present delegate of the Chaldean
Patriarch, (Beyrouth) was one of those refugees. Hamo Shero, though
offered ten pounds for every Christian he would surrender to the old
Turk to be slaughtered, did not only refuse the offer, but also fought
the Turkish punitive expeditions sent against them. It is clear that
when the Yazidis, who are believed to be "Abadat ul Shaitan" (devil
worshippers) protected, at considerable sacrifice to them, the refugee
Christians, the English Government whose king is "said to be the
Defender of the Christian Faith" surrendered the Christians to the
ravenous Arab of Iraq, the heir of the Old Turk, to be assassinated on
refusal of forced conversion to Mohammedanism.

It is true that at the Baqubah Refugee Camp, the
British authorities treated the Assyrians well but that was because
they were in need of their services in the stormy years that were to
follow. The British were in hostile Arab country and had wide
experience of Arab treachery during the days of the war and knew that
they could not have found more loyal people than the Assyrians to
maintain a balance of power in the country.

As regards Captain Foweraker's settlement scheme,
though a certain number of the Assyrians were settled, yet the
settlement scheme was known as the "Z-Plan"; that was to plant the
Assyrians amidst the Kurds to be used against the latter if and when
they rose in the face of the Iraq Government. It is quite evident;
therefore, that all the British plans were not for the good of the
Assyrians and that there gradual extermination was only a matter of
time.

Confidential. Secretariat of H.E. the High

Commissioner for Iraq
Baghdad, 17^th April 1925

D. O. No. S. O. 875
My dear Lloyd,
His Excellency has asked me to send you the
enclosed note, a copy of which also gone to Cornwallis. Yours Sincerely
(Signed) B. H. Bourdillon

H.I. Lloyd, Esq. O.B.E.;M.C. Administrative
Inspector, Mosul

Note by His Excellency, the High Commissioner

"I learn that David Mar Shimun,
father of the Patriarch is greatly agitated by our attack on
Daud-I-Daud and our conflict with the Yazidis generally. The Assyrians
look upon he Yazidis as their allies against Islam, and they consider
that this move to bring the Yazidis into order is the beginning of a
final move to put the Christians and Yazidis definitely under the Arabs
and Kurds. I have no doubt that it was this feeling which brought
pressure to bear on the Air Officer Commanding (through the levies)
while I was away on leave and made him refuse at the beginning of
September to move against Daud-I-Daud, when Mr. Davidson and Mr. Lloyd
wished to do so. It means that the tendencies of the Assyrians and
Mosul Christian to look to the French will be intensified by an
operation against the Yazidis, and I have little doubt that the Yazidis
will try to get the French to interfere. It was for this reason that I
insisted that the French should be notified, as, if they agree in the
beginning, the wind will be taken out of the Yazidis sails. We should
have been in a worse position if the French had begun protesting
violently later and taking up a public attitude of protecting the
Yazidis.

"But I think we may have to look out for squalls
in the Assyrian direction as a consequence of this Yazidis business.
The Assyrians are very sore and desperate over the Turkish occupation
of Hak-kiari; the Assyrian refugee flock-owners are in conflict with
the Kurdish flock-owners of Amadia, Dohuk and Aqra because there is not
enough grazing for the extra Assyrian flocks, and, if they have it in
their heads that we are initiating a final move for putting them under
the Arabs they may run amort. I am going to speak to Mr. Cornwallis
about a Christian Qaimaqam for Sinjar, as the present one being
appointed Mutasarrif gives an opportunity for putting in a Christian,
and this will be some sort of sign that we have no deep designs for
suppressing the Non-Moslems in the Mosul Wilayet. We don't want any
overt Christian movement towards the French just at the moment when the
Frontier-Commission is about to present its final report, and we know
Paulus at least already has definite ideas for suggesting that Mosul
should be made over to the French.

"A very careful watch will have to be kept at
Mosul to prevent any outbreak between the Moslems and Assyrians during,
or immediately, after, the Id. I don't know what we can do any more
than a Christian Qaimaqam at Sinjar to reassure the Assyrians; but it
would be useful if Mr. Lloyd could keep in very close and friendly
touch with Lady Surma and talk quite frankly with her as to the
circumstances which have forced us into conflict with the Yazidis."}

^{CHAPTER V: THE ASSYRIANS IN BAQUBAH AND
AT MINDAN}

^{The following
concise outline of facts has been contributed by Colonel F.
Cunliffe-Owen, C.M.G., Commander of the Greek Order of the Redeemer,
Commander of the Serbian Order of the White Eagle, who, as Commandant
of the Assyrian Refugee Camp at Baqubah, is able to furnish an entirely
unbiased opinion on the Assyrians whom he commanded for three years.}

^{The monument overlooking the Diyalah
River to which Colonel Cunliffe-Owen refers in his opening paragraph
was destroyed by the Arabs soon after the evacuation of the Baqubah
camp. One cannot be surprised at this in view of the fact that the
Arabs even went so far as to desecrate by exhumation the graves of the
fallen British, Assyrians, and Turkish, who perished in Iraq.}

^{There seems to be the erroneous
impression that Assyrians are difficult to get on with except under
British control. This may be contradicted by the fact that the
Assyrians are tolerated and liked in Syria and in the United States of
America, and in Brazil, where they are happy and law-abiding citizens.
They were welcomed also in Turkey for the last two thousand years, and
were able to preserve their Church and People as a racial entity, until
they were used by the British authorities as a military force.}

^{"Upon a bluff overlooking the Diyalah
river, there stood a lasting monument recording the gratitude of the
Assyrian people for the shelter accorded them by the British
authorities after their terrible experiences at the hands of Turks,
Persians, Kurds and Germans during the Great War (and finally more
vigorously by the British) These gallant Assyrians fought their way
through the hordes of their enemies and to the number of 40,000 souls
found a refuge in the vast refugee camp at Baqubah on the site of which
stood the monument to which I have alluded.}

^{"It fell to my lot to be in charge of
this camp and to control the destinies and movement of the Assyrians
for the succeeding three years.}

^{"During this period my one thought
was to get them back by some means or other to lands which they had
inhabited for centuries or as near to these lands as practicable. And
what is more that they should go back as a united people to keep up
their ancient traditions and in which case they would be joined by
others who were dispersed in various localities.}

^{"Unfortunately, as I will relate,
circumstances did not permit me to achieve my object then û and
now û their chance seems gone and future frittered away to
whomsoever the fault may be due. In my opinion for such as it is worth,
the fault lies neither with the Assyrians nor with the Iraqi
government, but it lies with those British authorities on the spot when
the mandate was handed over and who failed to appreciate the fact that
under no circumstances would these Assyrians "mix" with a control other
than British.}

^{"To go back to the Baqubah camp. The
British authorities at that time behaved most generously and large sums
were paid from public funds for the upkeep of the Assyrians and their
fellow refugees, the Armenians. When I arrived at the camp in May 1919,
I was instructed to reduce the expenditure, the first economy being
that I myself combined the offices of Commandant and chief-staff
officer, positions hitherto held by two officers of high rank. However,
I set to in other directions, and by the autumn found that the large
British supervising personnel could be replaced in most cases by
Assyrians themselves and that the latter were perfectly competent to
take charge of their own camp sections and to fill other responsible
posts. Industries were also started which not only found work for the
refugees but likewise made a profit to be set against the camp
expenditures. Thus by the end of 1919 the cost had been reduced by a
third to a half and the community was thriving. Even at that date, two
battalions of soldiers (one of which did good work on the frontier) had
been organized and recruits had been found for other services in the
occupied territory. That was the time of the greatest hope for the
future; the women and large numbers of children were happy and the
health of the camp, owing to the adherence by the people to the rules
laid down, showed far better results than any concentration camp in
South Africa during the Boer war. But things had to get moving towards
the ultimate aim of all, namely, repatriation and it was to this end
that during the winter of 1919-20, we strove to initiate a scheme. By
agreement with the Kurds and Persians (the Turks didn't count at that
time), a project was evolved which would permit the Assyrians to go
back to the vicinity of their own countryùnot an easy project
but feasible and one, which received approval at Baghdad. This scheme
would be carried out entirely by the Assyrians themselves with help in
the way of material and subject to certain control, and by the Spring
of 1920, all was ready and a great preliminary movement began in the
early Summer to the neighbourhood of Mosul.}

^{"But, alas, what happened? At this
moment came the rumblings of the Arab insurrection of that year, posts
up the line and elsewhere were attacked and general unrest commenced.
Our convoys had to be stopped, but as it turned out this insurrection
gave a chance to the}

^{Assyrians to render signal service to
their benefactors, the British.}

^{"The insurrection spread and
eventually broke forth on the Baqubah side. All troops had to be
withdrawn for the protection of Baghdad and our Assyrians were left out
in the wild in their vast undefended camp open to attack on all sides.
More than this, a large number of able-bodied men were at stages on
their way to the repatriation movement and they had their rifles with
them. Left at Baqubah were all the women and children and a limited
number of old single loading rifles with but ten rounds apiece. For a
week or ten days, the camp was attacked at close range by rifle fire
and also by machine-guns which the Arabs had taken from a British and
Indian column. But nothing daunted the Assyrian tribesmen as likewise
their women, and I must not also forget a tribute to the Armenians.
People were shot in the hospital and women as they were bringing up
food for their men, but just as matters were becoming indeed grave, a
party managed to fight their way through the Arabs and rescue a supply
of much needed ammunition of which we had news. With this the tables
were turned, the Assyrians could not be restrained, they scoured the
country side, and as a matter of fact materially helped to relieve the
tension in Baghdad itself. Not only this, but parties on their way to
repatriation helped at different spots on the line to repel Arab
attacks and to their behaviour the military authorities paid glowing
tributes.}

^{"Nevertheless,
naturally our repatriation movement suffered; time was wasted, the
season advanced and although the movement eventually proceeded, it was
late October before the necessary preparations were completed. Even so
we pushed on, but too late; it is true that then the Assyrians got a
bit out of hand and there were complaint from local authorities, but in
many cases, these same local authorities were the very ones who ha
originally supported the enterprise. However, this may be, the people
had to settle down for the Winter around Mosul in readiness for fresh
measures in the Spring of 1921.}

^{"The able-bodied men were then
eagerly sought after to fill up the levy cadres and their value in this
connection has been expatriated upon times without number by their
British officers. The families were provisionally located in country
north and east of Mosul and their future seemed then to have a
reasonable outlook, if not to their liking as much as the scheme which
failed.}

^{"But the years for any permanent
settlement as a united community have not been frittered away, and with
the withdrawal of British control, possibly now gone forever. Yet there
is surely country within the confines of the mighty British Empire,
which could serve to accommodate them if we would take the
responsibility and not leave them to the mercy of the League of
Nations, well meaning it is true, but necessarily swayed by a multitude
of conflicting interests. This business is a British job."}

^{CHAPTER VI: THE CHALDEANS}

^{The Chaldeans re of the same stock
and family as the Assyrians, and their language is one. Like the
Assyrians, they have preserved their mother-tongue. In the 16^th
century, the Roman Catholic Missions, which were at work in Syria,
extended their missionary work to Basrah to the south of Iraq and then
to the north, in the Mosul regions. To avoid the oppression of their
rulers, the Chaldeans were forced by circumstances to seek the then
powerful protection of Rome. Until a century ago, Rome was able to win
over a considerable number of so-called Chaldeans. The Assyrian
highlanders and the Chaldean plainsmen have constantly exchanged
places, and the great war found them once more in one region, as
before, to the north of Mosul.}

^{During the recent years, there have
been many cases of inter-marriage between the two family branches, for,
with the exception of minor religious beliefs, there is no difference
whatsoever between them. Their traditions, customs, and usages are one.
Theologically, the difference is of no importance, but the only
apparent difference is that the Assyrians, highlanders as they are,
were able to maintain their fighting characteristics, in the
inaccessible fastness of Kurdistan, which the Chaldeans were unable to
do in the planes.}

^{The term, "Chaldean" was originally
given to the members of the Church of the East, who lived in Iraq,
first, for their geographical situation, and second, for the historical
surroundings. There still exists in possession of Mar Eshai Shimun,
Patriarch of the Assyrians, a historical seal dating centuries back,
used by his predecessors in sealing all the documents that emanated
from the Patriarchal See. The seal which I have seen has the following
inscription:}

^{"Humble Shimun, Patriarch of the
East, by}

^{Grace serving the See of Thaddeus
(Addai)"}

^{The Patriarch of the Chaldeans known
as the Patriarch of Babylon is Mar Emmanuel Toma of Alqosh. Approaching
his eighties, Mar Emmanuel is "hors de combat." In Iraq, he has a
following of some 80,000. Mar Emmanuel and his Chaldean community had
many privileges under the Turks which the Iraq Government abrogated
gradually as soon as Faisal was made king of Iraq. The Chaldeans have
time and again been publicly warned that if they raised their voice, or
if they asked for any privileges, they would share the fate of the
Armenians in the past. That is to say, they would be massacred. An Arab
newspaper in Baghdad described Mar Emmanuel some three months ago as a
hypocrite, and as is usual, no action was taken against the writer.}

^{It would not surprise me to hear, at
some future date, that Mar Emmanuel had been forced to go to Geneva to
defend the "good Iraqis" or that madhabatas had been extricated from
him in support of the "benevolent Iraq Government". Through corruption
and threats, the Iraq Government has extricated such madhabatas in the
past, and these were placed before the League of Nations by Sir Francis
Humphrys. It is a pity that the League of Nations should be so openly
deceived (if such is the case) by forget madhabatas and declarations.
The least that I can say about them, is that they comprise a tissue of
lies and fabrications. Such madhabatas are usually prepared by the Iraq
Government and put up to the person concerned for signature. If he
refuses, he is accused of being a traitor to Iraq; if he signs, he is
bound to betray his community.}

^{If the reasons leading up to the
deportation of Mar Eshai Shimun, to Cyrus, are carefully studied by a
disinterested person, it will be clearly seen that his "refusal to sign
such ludicrous documents" was one of the prominent factors that
prompted such an arbitrary action on the part of Rashid 'Ali's cabinet.
The Ministers in that cabinet are ex-Turkish junior officials of the
old Turkish type, and their administration cannot be other than
tainted. It was this reason that forced the Commission of Af Wirsen,
Teleki, and Paulus, to record on pages 85 and 88 of their report,
C.400M.147. 1925 XII (Question of the frontier between Turkey and Iraq)
the following statement:}

^{"The internal situation in the State
of Iraq, however, seems unstable. Serious difficulties are being
encountered owing to the tension between Sunnites and Shiites. It
should be noted that the Shiites are in a majority in the two Wilayets
of Baghad and Basrah. The relations between Kurds and Arabs are also
uncertain; at the time of the Commission's visit, the Government had
not yet ventured to set up an Iraq administration in the liwa of
Sulaimaniyah, which was still ruled by British officials. The
Commission formed the impression that the mandate, in the shape of the
existing treaty, must be maintained for something like a generation in
order to allow the consolidation and development of the new State. In
the opinion of many persons whom we consulted, the very existence of
the State might be imperiled if the guidance and protection afforded by
the League of Nations mandate were withdrawn after a few years.
(withdrawn, fifteen years before its legal term.) It is clear,
therefore, that the economic and other advantages which the Wilayet of
Mosul as a whole would derive from union with Iraq would be exchanged
for very serious political difficulties if the mandate should expire
before Iraq could be regarded as ripe for self-government without
League support. In that case, it would certainly be better for the
Wilayet of Mosul to be placed under Turkish sovereignty, since the
internal and external political situation of Turkey is incomparably
more stable than would be the case with Iraq would be exchanged for
very serious political difficulties if the mandate should expire before
Iraq could be regarded as ripe for self-government without League
support. In that case, it would certainly be better for the Wilayet of
Mosul to be placed under Turkish sovereignty, since the internal and
external political situation of Turkey is incomparably more stable than
would be the case with Iraq if the latter country were left to itself.
Many of the partisans of Iraq state that if the mandatory regime were
shortly to come to an end they would rather be restored to Turkey.
Notwithstanding the good intentions of the statesmen of Iraq, whose
political experience is necessarily small, it is to be feared that
serious difficulties may arise out of the differences which in some
cases exist in regard to political ideas between the Shiites of the
South and the Sunnites of the North, the racial differences between
Arabs and Kurds, and the necessity of keeping the turbulent tribes
under control. These difficulties might be fatal to the very existence
of the State if it were left without support and guidance. For the sake
of the development and prosperity of the country, the commission feels
that it should remain under the League of Nations mandate for about
twenty-five years."}

^{The conclusion reached by the
Commission in regard to the chronic differences between the Sunnites
and the Shiites has been substantiated by recent events that followed.
The Shi'a are at present bitterly complaining of the Sunna Government
and they are capable of over-throwing, at any moment the present
depraved regime, which has been instituted for the advantage of a few
individuals, opportunists, as they are, the old friends of Faisal.}

^{The Kurds are dissatisfied more than
ever before and will certainly be a serious danger to the artificial
Iraq unity forced upon them by the British aeroplanes. If Iraq became
engaged at any future date with any of the neighboring countries on the
Perso-Iraq frontiers, the Kurds would only be too glad to throw in
their lot with the enemies of the Iraq. They prefer, as Hamdi Beg said,
to be "the fur of the lion than be the tail of a monkey" as they are
now, thanks to the time-delayed bombs used against them by the British
as recently as 1932.}

^{Faisal's visits to Angora and Teheran
are of no avail. The aims lying begind these visits, planned by his
masters, cannot remain equivocal to Mustafa Kamal Pasha and Rize Khan
Pehlevi. To "pull the wool over the eyes" of the Turkish President and
the Persian Monarch, better men that Faisal and his Suite should be
thrown in the field. But are there many who would intrigue against the
Turks and the Persians?}

^{The Commission's
recommendationùthat the Iraq should remain for another
generation or twenty-five years under the mandateùwas not made
without valid reasons. The members of the Commission who studied the
question on the scene were well aware that if the present ex-Turkish
officials took the reigns of the Government in their hands, chaos and
anarchy would be inevitable, and the inhabitants of the Mosul
Wilayetùwho are geographically outside the kingdom of Iraq and
on whose views and wishes the fate of the Mosul Wilayet rested û
would, consequently suffer as a result of the mal-administration and
mis-government that was bound to follow. The Kurds and the Assyrians
have already suffered, and I can see much more in stock for the other
minorities.}

^{The reader should not gather the
impression from the foregoing that the minorities favoured the British
mandate in the shape it was being applied. The methods adopted by that
mandate were a farce. The obligations imposed by the League of Nations'
Covenant upon the Mandatory Power in so far as they affected the rights
of the Minorities were gravely abused, and the
minoritiesùparticularly the inhabitants of the Mosul
Wilayet-were denied all the rights and privileges to which they were
entitled. If the French example in Syria were applied in Iraq, the
Kurds would not have been mercilessly punished by the British forces,
nor would the Assyrians have suffered during the last fourteen years to
be finally massacred by a most barbaric Arab Government-everlasting
disgrace to Britain.}

^{The Kurds in Iraq have risen not less
than six times in the face of both the British Mandatory Power and the
Iraq Government, while in Syria, there has only been insurrection of
the Druze (now satisfied) under the French. That insurrection, it must
be admitted, was engineered from the other side, of the Syrian frontier.}

^{If point twelve of the American
President's fourteen point û those of President Wilson û
was honestly fulfilled by the British in Iraq, as by the French in
Syria, the past and present troubles would have been avoided, and
future uprisings averted. President Wilson's point referred to the
non-Turkish territories of the Ottoman Empire and provided for their
autonomous development in accordance with the free will of the peoples
concerned. Mr. Lloyd George, the great English statesman, made
statements from which it might be inferred that very liberal treatment
would be accorded in the matter of self-governments to the territories
referred to by President Wilson in point twelve. The most important of
these statements was the Anglo-French declaration made on the 8^th
of November 1918. The following is the text of the declaration:}

^{"In order to give effect to these
intentions, France and Great Britain are agreed to encourage and assist
the establishment of indigenous governments and administrations in
Syria and Mesopotamia, which have already in fact been liberated by the
Allies, and in countries whose liberation they are endeavouring to
effect, and to recognize the latter as soon as they shall be
effectively established. Far from wishing to impose any particular
institution on these lands, they have no other care but to assure by
their support and effective aid the normal working of the governments
and administrations, which they shall have adopted of their free will.
To ensure impartial and equal justice, to facilitate economic
development by evoking and encouraging indigenous initiative, to foster
the spread of education and to put an end to the divisions too long
exploited by Turkish policy-such is the role which the two allied
Governments assume in the liberated territories."}

^{The Covenant of the League of Nations
accepted the above principle of "establishment of National Governments
and Administrations drawing their authority from the initiative and
free choice of indigenous populations and while we observe in Syria
various indigenous administrations which have been set up according to
the free choice of the inhabitants concerned, we find in Iraq a totally
different machinery against the will of the inhabitants. The British
Government has been endeavoring in vain, for the last fourteen years,
to unite many dissimilar elements and merge them in the body politic of
Iraq and in the Iraq unity, a nomenclature invented by the British
which has been a complete failure. Neither the Kurds nor the other
Minorities, or, rather, the indigenous inhabitants of the Mosul
Wilayet, are Arabs in any way, and to attempt to merge them in the
despised Iraqi unity by corruption and coercive measures, can bring
nothing but resistance by force of arms as has already been the case.
The composite word "Iraq Unity" was invented by a British High
Commissioner in Iraq in 1928 when certain national demands of the Kurds
were referred to him by the Iraq Government and who in response, said
that the Kurdish demands if entertained, would impair the Iraqi unity
and the so-called Iraqi Arab miniature politicians, or rather
agitators, have been using this as a parrot would, ever since that date
not realizing that this English invention is to aggravate the existing
enmity between the two races.}

^{Nuri al Sa'id, formerly a junior
Turkish official and now Iraqi Foreign Minister, informed the Kurds,
when the latter saw him regarding their national demands referred to
above, that "the Iraq Government would not object to the setting up of
a pure Kurdish Administration as this is the only way to insure the
very existence of Iraq, but the objections against such an
administration come from the English side. If you can persuade the
English to waive their objections, we will only be too willing to admit
the Kurdish national claims to which you are entitled."}

^{It is now time to revert to the
Chaldeans. The Chaldean Patriarch thinks it better to lose a few
Chaldeans by Arab bullets and Arab knives every month that lose all the
Chaldeans at one time. Both these, no doubt, mean gradual
extermination. The Patriarch's position is a very difficult one. When I
last met him in Mosul with Captain Matthew Cope of the Royal Navy, the
Patriarch's words were these:}

^{"I agree that we are being
ill-treated and that we were better off under the Turkish rule than we
are now under the Arabs. I know that we shall be persecuted after the
lifting of the mandate, but, if we press our claims and privileges
which I have already raised in writing and in person to Lord Curzon in
London, can we trust Britain to support us? The best instance I can
quote is the Assyrian question. You know what valuable service they
rendered to Britain and are still rendering. Has the result been other
than betrayal? He concluded by saying: "if we press for our political
right without effective and honest support, "Lak Payish Nasha Minnan
Ittayin al GudaùThere shall not be left of the house of Abahb
one single man child."}

^{Some of the demands made by Mar
Emmanuel to Lord Curzon will be seen in the following letter: 96
Victoria Street, Londres, le 6 Mars. 1920, Excellence:}

^{A letter written in French on Page
72ùsigned, Patriarche Chaldeen de Babylon -- A Son excellence
Lord Curzon û Ministre des Affaires-etrangeres de la Grande,
Bretagne, London}

^{The above letter (in French) requires
some explanation. Mar Emmanuel has at no time ceased to ask that the
interests of his community be safeguarded, but his requests have always
been sent to deaf ears. He has kept the Holy See fully informed of
different events at different states, and Mgr. Berre, to my personal
knowledge, when he was sent as Papal Delegate to Mosul, supported the
claims of the Chaldeans originally made by Mar Emmanuel, especially
when the Anglo-Iraqi Treaty of June 30, 1930 was being considered. Mgr.
Berre's written representations were forwarded by Major Wilson,
Administrative Inspector of Mosul, to Sir Kenehan Cornwallis, Advisor,
Ministry of Interior (Baghdad) who, being pro-Faisal at all costs,
ignored all such representations for "he could not reach a disagreement
with his Arab Minister" on matters affecting the interests of the
Minorities as that would adversely affect the British interests which
would be covered by the new Treaty and endanger Sir Kenehan's position
and popularity with his Arab friends and employers.}

^{But when Mar Emmanuel's help was
needed by these same advisers û for instance, against the Turks,
when General Laidoner of Estonia was sent out by the League of Nations
to enquire into the atrocities in the Goyan area, where some 3,000
Christians, mostly Chaldeans, were slaughtered û Sir Kenehan and
his British provincial officials did not hesitate to ask for his help.
The British officials, in fact, notably Messrs. Lloyd and Jardine, paid
Mar Emmanuel and others from the secret service funds the heavy cost of
the long telegrams which were at the time sent to the League of Nations
against the Turks with the approval of the British officials. What
result has there been? Aerial bombardment of the very people, the Kurds
included, who had helped at a grave risk to themselves and their
communities û the British and Iraqi Governments in their
difficulty! This help was mainly responsible for the loss of the Mosul
Wilayet by the Turks.}

^{Mar Emmanuel trusts neither the
British (The British Consul, Mosul, classified him in 1910 as
"unprincipled") nor the Arabs of Iraq and his policy û seldom
successful û has been to make the best of a bad job. At a time
when individual murders of Chaldeans by Arabs were of frequent
occurrence, when Chaldean villages, like Sinat and others, were being
raided every now and then, when the Christian faith was being publicly
abused, Mar Emmanuel was forced to give Faisal a momentous reception in
Dair Mar Oraha in 1931 in the vicinity of which most brutal murders of
Chaldeans had taken place not long before. Would it then, surprise the
League of Nations or Rome if Mar Emmanuel were made, together with his
bishops, to sign documents to the effect that "Sidi Faisal's Government
is very tolerant (as Sir Francis said), that the Iraq Government was a
benevolent Government, that they want the Iraqi unity unimpaired, and
that those who say otherwise are alarmists?" It will not be long when
Rome will be mourning the Chaldeans of Iraq. The position of Mar
Emmanuel today (and that of his successors) is exactly as that of Mgr.
Jubrail Tappuni, the Syrian Catholic Patriarch, when a Bishop in
Mardin. The latter was in the middle of the Armenian massacres of 1915,
and he was compelled to sign a declaration in favour of the then ruling
power (See Kitab al Qusara fi nakabat ul Nasara) to say that "all was
well and the reported massacres of the Armenians were devoid of
foundation."}

^{If the declaration of Mgr. Tappuni
can be believed, there will be little room to doubt that of Mar
Emmanuel! His Beatitude, the Patriarch of the Maronites, was also
forced by Jamal al Saffah, "Assassin" during the world war, to declare
that the Lebanese were quite contented at a time when thousands of his
folk, as a result of Jamal's blockade, were rapidly perishing of famine.}

^{The Arabs of Iraq, the real heirs of
that barbarous regime, are capable of extracting such "all's well"
declarations on the point of revolvers under the very noses of the
British officials. Among the Turks, one can find a great many
gentlemen, but among the Arabs, it would not be an easy task to fine a
real one. This is the author's experience with the Arabs.}

^{The position of the Chaldean bishops
is difficult to explain. Bishop Francis (Chaldean) of Aradin (Amadiyah)
is also being compelled to devote much of his time to drafting unbiased
reports to say that all is well. It was not long ago when Bishop
Francis wrote to high Catholic dignitaries to say that "all was not
well and that the lives of his folks were exposed to real danger every
moment". As the nominee for the Chaldean Patriarch ate, the Iraq
Government will find a faithful friend in Mar Francis, for he is being
taught how to sign forged documents. Early this year (1933) Mar Francis
informed Mr. Ishu De Kelaita (one of the Assyrian leaders now on the
Syro-Iraqi frontier of whom I shall have occasion to speak hereafter),
that "it is impossible for any Christian to live and prosper under the
Iraq Government. It is better for all those who can leave the country
to do so as early as possible". The reader should judge for himself the
truth between the "official denial" and these "private conversations.".}

^{Bishop Jirjis Dallal (Syrian
Catholic) and Stephen (Chaldean) are in no better boats. If they do not
flatter and coax the "tolerant Iraqi Government" and the Arab
officials, they will suffer terribly at the hands of a pernicious Arab
Government as has been the case with their co-religionists, the
Assyrians. The policy of the Iraqi Government, especially that of Yasin
al Hashimi, (at times Prime Minister and now Minister of Finance) the
great Iraqi demagogue û is to eliminate all Christians and Jews
from even the minor positions they hold in the Government service to
make room for his "idle" relatives and the relatives of his friends.
Efficiency in Iraq is out of the essence. Relatives come first. The
slightest excuse is sufficient to put any Christian or Jew out of the
door. Those going on pension are replaced by Arabs; those passing away
are likewise replaced by the Minister's relatives and porteges, however
incompetent they might be. The Chaldeans are to suffer most û and
they are already suffering û for they have held many minor
positions since the days of the occupation. Promotion, however well
merited, is hard to obtain. Cases have recently occurred where
inexperienced Arabs have been employed in certain governmental
department in preference to competent Christian officials with fifteen
years' experience in the same departments where the newly-appointed
Arabs were given priority. A very competent Christian official holding
the post of a Qaimaquan was due for promotion. Mr. Jardine,
Administrative Inspector of Mosul, in a special six-month secret report
to the higher authorities in Baghdad wrote highly of this official and
said, "He is fit for promotion to the post of Mutasarrif, but his
Christianity is, of course, against him." This report, it should be
noted, was written while the British mandate still obtained in Iraq.
Mr. Jardine, with his long experience of the Arab high authorities in
Baghdad, knew from past experience that the "benevolent government"
would not like to see a Christian holding a high government position,
however competent he might be. This typical example should show an
impartial reader in what manner the British have safe-guarded the
interests of the Minorities who had trusted them.}

^{As I said elsewhere, any excuse
û normally created by Arab superiors against Non-Arabs û
can put the helpless Non-Arab out of the door. On the other hand, army
Arab officials, from governors down, have, to my knowledge, been
repeatedly charged with proved misappropriations of government and
public funds, yet they have never lost their jobs as there is always an
"honest minister" or "personage" to protect them.}

^{The Chaldean educational institutions
which were of the best quality under the Turks, and which Mar Emmanuel
commanded in his letter to Lord Curzon, have been forcibly taken away
from them by the Iraq Government, and the Chaldean graduates from the
Government secondary schools are rapidly forgetting their religion and
are becoming good spirit Moslems. If these schools, which were
independent under the Turks and furnished with adequate grants-in-aid
from the general revenues, refuse to accept the government educational
programme, which aims at the destruction of Christianity, grants-in-aid
are disallowed, and even if they were self-supporting and gave better
education than that in the government schools, the doors of living in
the face of such graduates is shut. This is one of the main reasons
that compelled the Chaldean Patriarch to surrender his schools to the
government, as a result of Sati' as Lasri's (then Director General of
Education) representations to the Patriarch of Babylon. Mgr. Beaupin (4
Rue des Fosses St. Jacques Paris IV of the Cornite des Amities
Catholiques Francais a Petranger?)who was furnished with a detailed
report by a Catholic clergyman, who is an authority on this subject,
would perhaps be in a better position to enlighten the Holy See on this
important matter.}

^{The National schools and language are
no longer extant. Second hand furniture from Moslem schools is what the
Christian school use and dismissal of Christian teachers would follow
if they protest. Despite this partiality, our friends, the Britons,
wish us to be merged in the body politic of Iraq.}

^{Major Wilson, the Administrative
Inspector of Mosul, submitted various complaints against an Arab area
education officer in Mosul, who was "exceedingly dangerous and hostile
to Kurdish and Christian youth". Mr. Smith, the English Inspector
General of Education replied regretting his inability to replace this
man as "he had no better men in stock."}

^{Acts of sodomy by force have been
committed on Chaldean boys by education an administrative officials.
Complaints were made by the parents of the boys to the Chaldean
Patriarch at Mosul, who, in turn reported the cases to Government and
no action û though the cases were proved û was taken to
punish the culprits. As the high officials are usually involved and as
they are in league with one another, no action could have been taken,
and the religious chiefs or the parents concerned could only pursue
their complaints to a limited extent, as beyond that, they are bound to
expose themselves to future reprisals. Some of these heinous cases were
reported to Major Wilson by Mr. Goodall, the English teacher at Mosul,
but Wilson could do no more than report these cases. The position
remained unchanged. These re the morals taught to Christian youth in
the Arab Government schools, and there is no doubt that Christian
teachings, now moribund will within a very short time, be but an old
page in history!}

^{Every possible obstacle is placed
deliberately in the way of Christians. In 1928 for instance, Bishop
Petros Aziz of Zakho, applied for permission to open a two-class school
for girls in Zakho.The school was to be administered by Iraqi nuns.
Constant representations for three years by Mar Emmanuel in Baghdad and
in Mosul by Bishop Yusuf Ghanima met with refusal. The Arab Mutasarrif
justified his refusal by writing officially to Baghdad to say that "as
the nuns were brought up in French atmosphere, there was the fear of
pro-French propaganda being spread in that district." I do not think
the French need the services of two Iraqi nuns for propaganda purposes.
The ill-treatment meted out to the non-Arabs by the Arab officials is
in itself sufficient propaganda against them. This was, of course, a
pretext to hinder the educational work of the missions and to force the
Christian girls to go to the government schools to be taught the morals
taught to the boys.}

^{In several large Christian villages,
a considerable number of boys and girls are debarred from even the
primary schools, as there is not sufficient accommodation for them.
There are villages where 400 boys are packed up in no more than three
rooms though such villages contribute largely to the general revenues.
In one village alone, there are over 150 boys who have been refused
admission, as there is no room for them. Such schools, in addition to
inadequate accommodation, have no complete number of classes (normally
six) to enable the graduates to go to secondary schools on completion
of the primary. And the time is approaching when the Arabs will have an
education far superior to that of non-Arabs, as all possible facilities
are afforded to the former. The aim of the Iraq Government to close,
automatically the door of opportunity to Christians, Jews, and others
to prevent them from earning their living conveniently like the Arabs
û will have been achieved.}

^{In the Kurdish districts, the lot of
the Kurds (who are non-Arabs) is not to be envied. In Baghdad liwa, for
instance, where the majority of the populations is Arab, not less than
twenty percent is allotted to the educational budget from the general
revenues, while in Sulaimaniyah, though the rich oil is removed from a
sister Kurdish liwa, the percentage toward Kurdish education is not
more than one. The Iraq government, in order to throw dust in the eyes
of the Kurds, appointed an area education officer who alleges to be of
Kurdish origin from the village of Barzan, the fellahin of Sheik Qadir
Agha, the brother of Sheik Mahmud. This painted Kurd is, for all
intents and purposes, an Arab, not a Kurd, and he is certainly the pet
of Ja'far al "Askari (now Iraqi Minister in London) who also attempted
in vain, during 1930 to be a Kurd when he visited Sulaimaniyah with
Major Hubert Young. He aimed to calm the excited Kurdish nationalists,
subsequent to the horrors committed by the Iraq army in September 1930,
against the Kurdish civil population. On that occasion, not less than
one hundred innocent Kurds, including women, were killed by the Iraq
army, so notorious for acts of savagery.}

^{In Arab villages,
whose population is considerably smaller than that of non-Arab
villages, more than one complete primary school is in operation? In the
secondary schools, the teaching of the Koran is compulsory. It is
customary for any helpless non-Arab wishing to enter a school to study
to bring a certificate from the Committee of Elders Haiat ul
Ikhtiyariyyah of the community to whom he belongs testifying to his
inability to pay the school fees. Many cases have occurred when
non-Arab pupils have produced such certificates, duly signed by the
recognized Committees of Elders, which were refused in order to
minimize the number of education non-Arab thus opening up a bright
future for the Arabs. On the other hand, Arab pupils in possession of
such certificates, but whose validity is always open to question, have
been accepted en bloc. The immediate effect û but with
far-reaching effects in the future of such a policy-has been to reduce
the former "Christian majority" in the secondary school in Mosul, for
instance, to a "minority". When the school in consideration of the
Christian majority was closed on Sunday afternoon as well as on all
Fridays, the Sunday holiday was abolished and Friday was considered as
the official holiday.}

^{Does or does
not Sir Francis knows these facts? I presume not, for Qasr Kadhim Pasha
is too far inland to see these things!}

^{In 1929 some posts in the Ministry
Education fell vacant. Eight Arab she-teachers and thirty-seven
Christian she-teachers went for examination. Thirty-six out of the
thirty-seven Christian teaches passed the examination successfully and
all eight of the Arab teachers failed. The latter, the unsuccessful
ones, wee at once offered positions, and the Christian teachers were
told "there were no vacancies for them".}

^{If Sir Francis doubts this statement,
the writer begs to draw his attention to the many official reports
written at the time by Major Wilson. It was the unfortunate lot of the
author to participate in those reports. Moreover, the sister of the
gentleman (Syrian Catholic) who occupies the room adjacent to that of
Major Wilson was one of the successful Christian women teachers who
were told to go away. Despite this partiality and apparent fanaticism
on the part of the Iraq government as a whole, Sir Francis had the
courage to declare before the Permanent Mandates Commission that Iraq
was a "benevolent" government.}

^{The Chaldean cultivator is constantly
at the mercy of his Arab official and Arab estimator, and this, the
economic oppression, the most ferocious weapon in the hands of the
benevolent Arab, has reduced the Chaldean cultivator to the status of a
serf. It has been officially recorded by administrative inspectors in
Iraq and confirmed by Mr. Longrigg, then Inspector-General of Revenues,
that Arab administrative officials, who are also administrators of
revenues, believe that excessive illegal taxation to show excesses in
revenue demands over collections made by their predecessors merit
promotion. It was also recorded that the Arab officials do not
understand the revenue laws enacted by the central authorities in
Baghdad, yet they are expected to enforce them in the remote provinces.
This state of affairs has always resulted in economic oppression of the
non-Arab cultivators who cannot secure justice on appeal to higher
authorities. Such cultivators can only find some relief by bribery, a
common practice in the revenue administration of Iraq, a fact which was
admitted by the government newspapers early this year. Certain measures
have been taken "on paper" to minimize the universal practice of
bribery and corruption, but these are of no avail and do not offer a
solution as the minor officials take their example from their superiors
who are extremely fond of this practice. The wealth of the latter,
collected within a very short period is too conspicuous to require
further details. It suffices to say that the head of the revenue
administration at present, to whom the Iraqi national (excluding Kurds
of course) is looking for deliverance from the "British Yoke" is the
most gutted child of all, as he has very rapidly become, by means known
to those who know, the owner of some thirty-five irrigation pumps on
the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers. These statistics were prepared four
years ago in the Baghdad liwa and the number of these pumps must have
since increased.}

^{Manslaughter in Iraq is a common
thing. Eighty percent of the acts of homicide against Christians, Jews,
and others by Arab goblins pass unquestioned. In many cases, the Arab
officials share the booty with the}

^{Criminals. If culprits are brought to
justice at all, they escape with very light punishment. At the doors of
the law courts, especially in Baghdad, one may always find Arabs ready
to give evidence for or against in any criminal or civil case covered
by the criminal or civil codes on payment of a sum of money to be
agreed upon, irrespective of the merits of the case. But no Kurd or
non-Moslem is ever seen at those doors.}

^{The following murder cases are only a
very small percentage of actual murders committed. If I were to give a
complete list, I should have to devote a special volume which the scope
of the present book does not permit. In 1930, four Chaldeans from the
Christian villages of Talkaif and Alqosh went to Amadiyah to import
foodstuffs into their respective villages. While returning home, they
were met by Arab marauders. The Christians being unarmed, each pair was
tied up with a rope facing each other and were shot dead, the murderers
using one bullet for both as the Arabs maintain that "infidels" deserve
no more than one round. The police, in the customary manner, made
half-hearted investigations and reported that this was the work of
Turkish bandits. The place where the murders were committed is ninety
kilometers from the nearest Turkish frontier. Even if the tale of the
police were to be believed, the police branch of the Iraqi
administration is to be severely condemned, for how could Turkish
bandits cross a track of one hundred-eighty meters, drive eleven
fully-loaded animals which were looted from the Christians, without
being observed by the Iraqi police posts? There is no doubt that the
crime was committed by Arab brigands on Iraqi soil. Again, if the story
of the police is to be accepted, they must have participated in the
sharing of loot with the Turkish bandits as they usually do.}

^{In cases where non-Arabs are the
victims, the responsibility for such hideous acts is always thrown on
the shoulders of the Kemalists to compel the relatives of the victims
to give up all hopes of justice, for such cases are dealt with once
every six month. On the arrival of the police at the place where the
above Christians were discovered, they observed at a distance of a few
yards the corpse of a man whose flesh had been eaten by beasts. By his
headdress, he was identified to be an Assyrian.}

^{Another Chaldean, named Hormiz
Sha'yuta, was killed under similar brutal circumstances, and no action
was taken to bring the criminals to justice.}

^{As the question of the emancipation
of Iraq was at this time on the tapis, and as the minorities were
apprehensive for the future and had already applied to the League of
Nations, the Iraq Government took steps û to threaten the members
of the Minorities with reprisals if they insisted on their applications
to the League. The Qaimaqamo of the district concerned compelled the
relatives of the persons killed to send to the central authorities the
following telegram (Al Iraq of 1/7/310-sada al 'Alq of 1-7-31)}

^{"The gigantic efforts (sic) of Our
Gracious Government (sic) in tracing the bodies of our four innocent
relatives with their animals, compel us to express our thanks, by the
medium of the press, to the government, especially to Makki Beg al
Sharbatti and Majid Beg, the Qaimaqams of Dohuk and Amadiayh
respectively.}

^{Such telegrams, false as they are,
are usually drafted by the Qaimaqams themselves and the persons
concerned are ordered to append their signatures or seals thereon. They
do so through sheet fear. To what "gigantic efforts" the telegram makes
reference, I am at a loss to understand. The dead bodies were
discovered by their relatives and not by the police. The Permanent
Mandates Commission was at the time interested in the fate of the
minorities, and such telegrams were necessary to serve the Iraq case.}

^{Based on information received from
the Catholic religious authorities of Mosul, "The Universe" of London
published on the 5^th of September 1930, the following
information:}

^{"In the district of Zakho alone, the
Chaldean Catholic villages were raided twenty-two times within a period
of three years. Eighteen Christians were killed; eight others were
mutilated and more than eighteen hundred sheep were carried off.}

^{"In 1929 the village (Sinat) was
again raided and three Christians, Yusuf Pattu, Jusuf Gardi and Yonan
Daud were killed. In January 1930 another raid was made and two
Christian shepherds, "Abbu Toma (15 years old) and Yusuf Mikha (12
years old) were killed and 200 sheep were carried away. The marauders,
on their way back, met another Christian shepherd, Ibrahim Shammu who
was brutally killed. Six months ago, this same village was raided for
the twenty-fifth time and some 500 sheep were taken away."}

^{This is not the only Catholic village
that is exposed to such raids. The Iraq Government takes no preventive
measures, for its undoubted aim is the gradual extermination of these
unfortunate people. On the other hand, when Rashid 'Ali's house was
raided by Arabs in the dark of night soon after he became Prime
Minister, the malefactors were brought to justice within twenty-four
hours. Rustam Haider (a Non-Iraqi refugee parasite, but in the care of
his Master, the King) was also robbed by an Arab a few months ago and
the culprit was immediately apprehended.}

^{It is these Chaldeans that the Iraq
Government has been falsely announcing as satisfied and contented. Can
the readers, when aware of the actual facts, believe such farcical
tales?}

^{During the second week of May 1933,
Musa Goriyyi Magdasi, Matti Chuna an Stephen Shammun Tate, three
Chaldean Catholics in the town of Alqosh wee brutally murdered by the
Hadidyyin Arabs of Basifni village east of "Ain Sifni in the Shaikhan
Qadha in the Mosul Liwa. As these unfortunate people were overtaken by
darkness before reaching their homes, they put up for the night with
hosts, who, after offering them coffee, cut their throats at nine
o'clock the same night just as they were retiring. They were killed
with daggers and choppers. Their bodies were carried far. Only by
miracle did Stephen Shammun survive to tell the tragic fate of his two
companions. The crime cannot be classified "ordinary" for it did not
have theft as its motive.}

^{As in former cases, murderers of
Christians have escaped with impunity.}

^{There is no likelihood of punishing
the present murderers. They may be tried under Tribal Criminal and
Civil Disputes Regulation, but the door for corruption under that
regulation is so wide that a gift of fifty pounds should be able to
declare the innocence of the culprits.}

^{Two pregnant catholic women set out
to cut wood from a forest in the neighbourhood of Zakho. They were
attacked, ravished and bayoneted by two Iraqi soldiers. Chaldean men in
the vicinity who witnessed this act of extreme barbarism dared not
intervene but reported the matter to the police. The case was sent to
the courts, but due to a demonstration at the door of the court on the
day of the trial by Iraqi soldiers, the judged acquitted the criminals
who were carried by their brother-soldiers in great triumph. This case
is probably out of mind now, but would Wilson take the trouble to
examine the archives of 1925?}

^{This is the deplorable state in which
the miserable Chaldeans find themselves at the actual moment of
writing, and as long as they remain under the thumb of their Romish
masters, they shall never be able to get rid of the Arab bondage.
Despite their acute sufferings, Mgr. Drapier conferred upon Muzahim al
Pachachi a Popish medal in the year 1931 when that same Minister was
harassing the Christian minorities in the North.}

^{I am not advocating Protestantism.
The Chaldean clergy feels the sufferings of their Chaldean folks for
which they are unable to find a remedy unless and until they administer
their own affairs in a manner that could ensure them freedom of action.}

^{CHAPTER VII: THE JACOBITES*}

^{*By David Barsum
Perley, J.S.D. of the Massachusetts Bar, of the New Jersey Bar and of
the District Court of the United States for the District of New Jersey.}

^{The Assyrians, although representing
but one single nation as the direct heirs of the ancient Assyrian
Empire as indicated in chapter I are now doctrinally divided inter
sese, into five principal ecclesiastically designated religious sects
with their corresponding hierarchies and distinct church governments,
namely, Nestorian (The term Nestorian which is the creation of the
Anglican missionaries, is not accurate as applied to the Church of the
East, for that Church was established long before the appearance of
Nestorius. So that the term Nestorians or the Nestorian Church is used
here only for convenience. See p. 10 of The Assyrian Tragedy)}

^{Jacobite (the term Jacobite Church is
similarly a misnomer as applied to the Old Eastern Church. That term is
also adopted here merely for convenience), Chaldean (see the preceding
chapter), Maronite andSyrian Catholic. These formal divisions had their
origin in the Fifth Century of the Christian Era. No one can coherently
understand the Assyrians as a whole until he can distinguish that which
is religion or church from that which is nation û a matter which
is particularly difficult for the Oriental people to understand; for in
the East, by force of circumstances beyond their control, religion has
been made, from time immemorial, virtually into a criterion of
nationality. One thing is sure, however, that distinction exists.
Common observation will indicate that the authorities speak of either
the Jacobite People or the Jacobite Church û there is no such
thing as the Jacobite nation. The issues that are raised by these
several sects are purely theological, having reference in the main to
Christology and not to nationalism. It is a truth that some of them
have different answers to the questions "How many persons are there in
Christ?", yet all of them are the Friends of the Cross of Christ. If,
in any sense, this chapter has succeeded in helping the reader to see
and to feel, in this pressing moment what the writer sees and feels in
the origin û be it religious, national or otherwise û of
the Jacobite people, and if it has succeeded in indicating the
injustices done to their nation, it will have fulfilled its mission.
Who, then are the Jacobites?}

^{The Jacobite People are an offshoot
of the Eastern Monophysites. They are the representatives of the Syrian
element in the Church of Antioch, the earliest of the Gentile Churches.
The name Jacobites occurs first in the anathemas or in the synodal
decrees of the Council of Nicaea, 787 A.D. It was invented by hostile
Greeks for these "Syrian Monophysites" as founded by, or rather
restored by Jacob Baradeus who was born toward the close of the fifth
century and was ordained its bishop in 541 A.D.}

^{These Monophysites often call
themselves The Orthodox, like the Greeks and the Russians. Their Church
is sometimes known as the Jacobite Syrian Church, which is a truly
Oriental sect with no western connection. It may be of interest to
notice here, in passing, that foreign missions have hopelessly failed,
in their attempt to Christianize the Christian Assyrians, to make any
serious impression on the main body of the Church. Both Roman and
Protestant missions have had no instinctive regard for historic
continuity and have looked with little reverence on customs made
venerable by ancient use. They have approached with threatening their
independence or with disparaging the primitive traditions of a
Communion older than themselves and have forgotten to notice that they
are patriotic to the core. At any rate, these "nominal Christians"
venerate pictures and make the sign of the Cross symbolic of the fact
that Our Lord died on the Cross for our salvation. They pay infinite
honor to Virgin Mary and revere her as the Mother of God. They impose
upon themselves excessive fasts, as solemn rites, in honor of divers
saints û there are five annual lents. The principal teaching of
their Church include the seven Holy Sacraments, vis.: the Holy Baptism,
the Holy Orders, the Holy Matrimony, the Aurecular Confession, the Holy
Chrism, otherwise known as the Mooran; the Holy Eucharist otherwise
known as the Kurbana, and the Holy Unction. Their most sacred ceremony
is the Mass which they celebrate with great ritualistic splendor on
every Sunday and other holy days û there is no secret Mass. Every
thing in the Jacobite Church centers about the adorable sacrifice of
this ceremony. It is for the celebration of the Mass that the altar is
erected and the clergymen consecrated. The Mass is regarded as the most
solemn public act of worship because it is the Last Supper over again
with the additional significance of Calvary. So that, to be present
with the proper motive and conduct is all that is necessary. Piety will
suggest further devotion û it will establish faith, kindle hope,
regulate and quicken the virtue of Christian charity. Monkery is very
common among the Jacobites but there are no nuns.}

^{The Jacobite Church rejects the
decrees of the Council of Chalcedon (451 A.D.). Its pronounced doctrine
concerning Christology, as propounded by a Monk, by the name of
Euthyches, Abbot of Constantinople, almost the contemporary of
Nestorius who was the Patriarch of Constantinople in 429 A.D. is that
while the latter held there were two distinct persons in Christ û
human and divine û although closely and inseparable joined, the
former held that Christ had but one composite nature which is divine.
The Redeemer, held Euthyches, possessed but one nature composed of two.
The divine nature of Christ has absorbed the human so that the two have
become one, like a piece of glass, which although made of sand, is only
glass now, no longer sand. God is in Trinity and Trinity in Unity,
being co-equal and co-eternal. There are three known persons but one
God. Christ is the second person in Trinity who was incarnated for the
salvation of mankind. He is the Only Begotten Son of God, "the
Only-Begotten, the Begotten from the Father before all the worlds,
Light of light, Very God of Very God, begotten not made, consubstantial
with the Father by whom all things were made (From the Apostle's Creed
of the Jacobite Church). His is a truly divine nature; he is the true
God. Consequently, and by way of logical analogy, Euthyches accepted
the Divine Maternity of the Virgin Mary. This ideology was condemned by
the Councils of Constantinople in 381 A.D. and 553 A.D., and of
Chalcedon in 451 A.D. Nevertheless, it found an outlet in Beth-Nahreen
and came to stay as the Jacobite Syrian Church, and the so-called
Jacobite People is that part of the nation of Assyrians that professes
the faith prescribed by the Jacobite Church fathers as a denomination.
(See Etheridge's Syrian Churches. It is apparent that the Assyrians
have three chief National Churches, namely Nestorian, Jacobite and
Catholic. The latter comprehends the Chaldean, Maronite and the Syrian
Catholic Church. See the preceding chapter on the Chaldeans. In the
case of the so-called Jacobites and the Nestorians, when all if said
and done, it will be seen that their theological rivalry of the past
rested only on the misunderstanding of technical terms, and such like
differences can be cleared away by mutual understanding).}

^{The Jacobites have thinly scattered
in an ecclesiastical organization over Syria proper and in other
localities in the former dismembered Ottoman Empire and also in South
India. Their situation has been very critical because they were not
settled as a compact self-governing enclave; and because while the most
of the other sects received recognition from the Sublime Porte, they
were without it. Through the interposition of a foreign power this
disability was removed in 1882. Before the World War they numbered
about 40,000 families or about 250,000 souls. This number has been
continuously dwindled owing to vast secession to Rome and massacres by
the Turks. Their centers in the Near and Middle East have been
Diarbakir, with six villages, Mardin; Mosul with five villages;
Baghdad, Aleppo, Harpoot with fifteen villages; Damascus with four
villages and the District of Gawar, Urfa with fifty villages and Jebel
Tur with about one hundred and fifty villages.}

^{The Jacobites have many monasteries,
and their clergy are constituted on the model of a perfect hierarchy.
They glory in an apostolically succession from St. Peter as the first
Bishop of Antioch and exhibit what they hold to be an unbroken series
of more than one hundred eighty-five bishops of that See from his day
to the present. The supreme head of the Church is the Patriarch "of
Antioch and All the East." Upon his election he assumes the name
Ignatius, the Martyr, which title was first assumed in 1293 A.D. by Bar
Wahib. The full title of the Patriarch is, "His Holiness Moran Mar
Ignatius --- Exalted Patriarch of the Apostolic See of Antioch, and all
of the Jacobite Church of Syria and in the East." It is of great
interest to notice that although he takes his title from Antioch, he
never resides there û his seat, the kursi, is not fixed. (Antioch
is the merely nominal seat of the Patriarch since Paul the Black. No
Patriarch has lived there except Elias who lived there in 711 A.D. and
later Athansius VIII. In the summer of 1246 A.D. during the occupation
of Antioch by the Franks, the Patriarch Ignatius David also resided
there but for a short period of time) It is often in a convent. It has
sometimes been in Diarbakir, although Mardin has been for a long time
the Patriarchial See with their Schools of Theology in the noble
Monastery, Deir-el-Za'-aferan. (The Monastery of Barsum near Malatia,
which was built in the tenth century by John Sarighta, was the seat of
the Patriarchs (1167-1200 A.D.)It was restored by Michael I. Later
Dionysius IV left Malatia and settled in Amida in order to be out of
Greek territory. Michael I in turn went to Deir-el-Za'aferan. This
monastery had been restored by his predecessor John the Great
(1125-1165) who was one of the most distinguished heads of this Church,
and was again enlarged and beautified by Ignatius XI in 1484 A.D.
Deir-el-Za'aferan had been first restored by Ananias, Bishop of Mardin,
about 703, but having fallen into ruin was again restored by John, who
says that he was ignorant of the saint Evgen to whom it was dedicated
by Ananias. Mr. H. C. Luke states in his book on p. 113 "In the spring
of 1924, the Patriarch, Mar Ignatius Elias III was expelled from his
monastery, which was turned into a Turkish barrack.")}

^{The present Patriarch, His Holiness,
Mar Igntius Aphrem I, is believed to have his Kursi in Homs, Syria.
Under the Patriarch is the Maphrian, which literally means "fructifer",
(the name Maphrian is derived by Bar Hebraeus from the root Aphran,
fruitfulness, and means Father of Fathers) who is primate of the East
and has lived in Mosul since 1087. He is sometimes known as "Catholicos
of the East." He ordains bishops and generally succeeds the Patriarch
upon vacancy caused by death. The office of Maphrian is now in abeyance
and the Patriarch is an elective office by and from among the bishops
and all the bishops are present at the consecration of the Patriarch.
(Hereditary episcopate is prevalent among those in the Church of the
East, now erroneously called the Nestorian Church but the Old Syrian or
Eastern Jacobite Church has always strongly repudiated it. See Neale's
Patriarchate of Antioch)}

^{There is one instance even of a
layman, Dionysius I, in 818 A.D. being chosen Patriarch and receiving
all the preliminary priestly orders. The bishops may depose the
Patriarch for heresy, as was done in the case of Paul the Black in 574
A.D. He may also be deposed by the unanimous vote of the whole people.
Besides these two, the Jacobites have eight metropolitans and three
bishops, (prior to the World war). Each has a diocese except two that
are called temeloyo, i.e. universal, without any regular dioceses. The
bishops are divided into two classes, those chosen from among the
monks, who are called Mutrans, and those chosen from parish priests who
have lost their wives and have so become eligible for the Episcopacy.
These are called Askof (Episcopi). The Askof ranks a little below the
Mutrans, and is eligible neither for the Matropolitan nor for
Patriarchal dignity. Of the priestly order there are three divisions:
the monks, the priests (the only class that is not celibate) and the
charepiscopi. The Deacons are the last order. In the services of the
church, the deacon has a part almost as indispensable as the priest.
The exhortations and the psalms are said by him; he prepares the holy
bread, swings the censer, and gives the holy elements from the priest's
hand to the people.}

^{The Jacobite Church has produced in
the past many men remarkable for the profoundness of their views, their
teachings and their writings. No less than one hundred and fifty
archbishops and bishops can be counted in the different ages of the
sect. Among these, some of the most eminent are John, bishop of Asia;
Thomas of Harkel, who revised in the 7^th century the
Philoxenian translation of the New Testament; Jacob of Edessa; the
Patriarch Dionysius I., in the 9^th century, author of a
Syriac chronicle; John, bishop of Dara; Moses Bar-Kipha, who wrote a
treatise on paradise; Dionysius bar-Salibi, bishop of Amid, in the 12^th
century, author of commentaries on the Bible and other theological
works; Jacob, bishop of Tagrit; Gregorius Abulfaragius; Jacob of Sarug;
Isaac of Ephesus; Mar Efrem Syrus; Efraim of Nisibis (378 A.D.) the
"sweet singer", and Bar-Hebraeus in the 13^th century, who
was the greatest and noblest man of the Eastern Church û "His
death was mourned alike by Jacobites and Nestorians, by Greeks and
Armenians, all of whom forgot the disputes which were agitating at that
time the Eastern Church, and gathered at his grave to mingle their
tears for the loss of a truly virtuous and great man."}

^{To make the picture of any one of
these sects complete, we must discuss briefly its national aspect, for
in the East, religion plays a more important part than does race in the
demarcation of national cleavages; so also sectarianism within any one
religion ûespecially so in the past. In all these groups the
Church was the foremost aspect of nationality. It virtually was the
nation. The intolerant ardor of what seemed to be their religious
conviction was always really national pride and national loyalty under
the guise of theology. Their strong national feeling, painted in deep
religious colors, was the natural consequence of their political
circumstances and not of any conscious misdemeanor. To get the real
import of this thought one must get into the depths of history. There
he will find the real source of ups-and-downs in their national
psychology. The Assyrians have been deeply marked by a long era of
subjugation and disunion. For centuries various nations have lived here
side by side and have carried on bitter opposition against each other.
The Levant had never had one homogeneous population speaking one
language. From the beginning of Christianity, nationality here has been
a question not of the soil, but of a community held together by its
language, striving for supremacy with other communities. Rome, and then
Constantinople, was always a foreign tyranny to them. Crushed in
politics, they expressed their hatred for the Government by the only
available weapons that of taking up an anti-imperial form of religion.
Such an attitude has exactly characterized these groups ever since.
Then too, under the Turk, the only possible separate organization was
an ecclesiastic one. The Turk, under the doctrine of "divide and rule"
even intensified this confusion. Sultan Mohammad II instituted in 1453
a simple and convenient way of organizing the subject Christians by
taking their religion as a basis. The Porte recognized each sect as an
artificial nation (millet) so that each of these sects became a
Christian-millet, and internal antagonism the supreme law, with
disastrous sequences to the nation. The Jacobites became the Suryani
Kadim Melleti and they were the only Assyrians. Blood had nothing to do
with it. A Jacobite who was converted by a Greek automatically lost his
nationality. The Western idea of separating politics from religion was
unknown in the East. The millet was what mattered, and that was a
religious body. Such are the circumstances that explain the fact of the
intense conservatism of each of these sects. Proud of their own
possessions handed down from their fathers, they guard with the most
zealous care their apostolic heritage and cling fanatically to their
rites even to the smallest custom, because it is by these that the
millet is held together. The turning point in the life of these sects
has now come to stay, however. The national life of the Assyrians of
today is based on an ideal of creative understanding. Freedom of
conscience in the matter of religious worship and true loyalty to the
nation are held to be matters not in conflict with one another, for
religion is personal, rather than institutional; ethical rather than
patriotic. No one group of people can be said to have monopoly of the
ultimate truth of religion. Ecclesiastical individualism therefore can
no longer result in mutual integration but in the mutual strengthening
and co-working of all of these Churches and the nation whose integral
parts they are. So strong is this current of feeling, so strong amongst
the young as well as the old that those old marks of antipathy and
suspicion inter se, they have sworn to themselves are to be effaced
forever. They refuse to believe that the past must be incessantly
renewed and that history will never cease repeating itself. Such is the
revolt of the new generation against the narrow provincialism of the
past that has united us all, regardless of creed, under the banner of
our Ethnarch, Mar Eshai Shimun XXI, our hero, both spiritual and
secular, in our struggle for survival. Over a period of about a decade,
the spirit of the political activities of this youth of
seven-and-twenty who commenced his career in the field of battle has
been characterized by a sane desire to establish a homeland where
liberty might reign supreme. Self-appointed reformers of international
morality have, however, falsely accused him of self-seeking, despite
the fact that the Arabs of Iraq offered him wealth if only he would
approve their scheme for the settlement of the Assyrians. He opposed
it, for the reason that the contrary would have meant national
disaster. There were rights and principles, he proclaimed and confessed
them, and that even at the expense of becoming an exile. The invincible
Mar Shimun was not willing that there should be any people without a
country where they can live in peace. (And what an unpardonable crime
this must be! The natural and inalienable rights are only for the
Englishmen, and sometimes for their protégés). Such
reformers refuse to believe in the self-evident truth that the
controversy between the Mar Shimun and Iraq is primarily a reflex of
antagonism between Islamism and Christianity. They have carried much
harmful propaganda in the press with the primary object of distorting
public opinion and distracting attention from the main issue, thus
eventually obscuring the realities of the situation. That he is a
Nestorian, "representative of only one sect" is not the whole truth.
One's religious faith is a matter of his own concern and as such it is
relatively unimportant to the world. More, Nestorianism is only a
religious designation. For religious purposes the Assyrians are many,
but for national purposes they are one. The most fundamental and
inescapable fact about the Mar Shimun is that he is an Assyrian first
and a Nestorian afterwards. No longer will any Judas be able to divide
a united entity with a kiss. We have likened the five principal
religious divisions of the nation to the five fingers on the one hand.
We have learned, at the expense of centuries of national tragedy, that
the fingers are all related, that they exist for mutual assistance, and
that to act against one another is contrary to the very nature of the
hand itself. We shall close our fingers into a related whole, called
the fist, and bind them with the binding power of the thumb, and smite
the world without bruising ourselves, and}

^{"Beat down yon betting mountain}

^{And raise yon jutting cape,}

^{A world is on the anvil:}

^{Now smite it into shape.}

^{Whence come this iron music}

^{Whose sound is heard afar?}

^{The hammers of the world's smiths}

^{Are beating out a star."}

^{Such is the realism and
indestructibility of our idealism. Col.-Lt. R. S. Stafford is deluding
himself into the belief that the nation of the Assyrians is no longer.
To that end he wrote his book, as if a nation could be annihilated by a
stroke of the pen" (The Tragedy of the Assyrians, London: 1935. p. 213)
He seems to be a alarmed at the massacre of the disarmed Assyrian women
and children, committed by the Arabs of Iraq in 1933, in his presence
while an Administrative Inspector in Iraq. I do not blame him; but if
he honestly believes that such incidents can wipe out the nation of the
Jacobites, he is sadly mistaken. Apparently he has not read history.
Furthermore, the very existence of this people, of the precept to "Seek
first the Kingdom of God" through centuries of persecution bears
eloquent testimony to the fact that the soul of Assyria is spiritual
through and through and not material. You cannot destroy that which is
spiritual, it is coexistent with eternity.}

^{As I read over these pages, there
springs to my mind the memory of Saint Mary's Monastery in Harpoot,
then under the jurisdiction of His Grace, the Archbishop Mar Dionysius
Abdul'nur. Whilst I write this, it is ten-and- nine years ago, and yet
at this moment, I see, as if it were but yesterday, the expression of
the object on which I used to fix my childhood gaze. It was the picture
of a loving lady hanging over the stained-glass on the left side of the
Holy Altar. The whole countenance was so radiant with divine
tranquility that I used to bow down a thousand times and cross myself
whenever I besought God's help and forgiveness, to have Her intercede
for me, as my patron saint. I am reminded at this moment of the
massacres of the Christians in Turkey in the Fall of 1914 when Moslem
fanaticism so suddenly and so critically separated us from my father
forever, Barsum (Keshish).(He was deported and massacred in points
unknown together with Prof. Ashur and other Assyrians in the same
city). On one of these evenings, memorable to myself, I went to the
church, bowed down before the Mother of God with all the usual
manifestations of filial wailings and sorrow, crossed myself quickly
and prayed, hoping that Her glorious company of angels might still
bring my father back to us. It was here where I learned my first
lessons in faith and in hope; and as my prayer in this church was my
solace when in sorrow, prayers in other churches must bring consolation
to those that mourn. There is no church where man cannot lift his eyes
to heaven above; no place is too small to contain the crowd of
intrinsic virtues. That evening, at the conclusion of my prayer I
recall, while tears filled my eyes, I went up to the picture, crossed
myself, kissed it, then gently walked out. In that atmosphere I could
not help raising my eyes from the earth to the sky and feeling the true
majesty of God. Truly, there was discipline more strict than can be
imagined in the West. Here was emotional stabilization, relief from
selfishness, the discipline of loyalty, the opportunity for ideal
devotion, and the cultivation of moral and spiritual idealism Many
years of persecution, because of the faith of our fathers, has
strengthened the intellectual and sentimental love of each Assyrian
sect for its respective church. We have been obliged to pay the price
of being such avowed followers of the Prince of Peace and have given a
signal illustration of what it means to take up one's cross and follow
Him, and that for many centuries. We are exceedingly proud of our race
because of our glorious historic origin. That the greatest Christian
Empire should permit such organized persecution, murder and
maltreatment and forced conversion (which is still going on at this
very moment) in Iraq of "one of the finest races in the Middle East" in
the phraseology of Col. Wilson is truly a lamentable event! As a nation
we loathe the thought of being under the jurisdiction of a Moslem
government. For this very reason, the Hill-Assyrians participated on
the side of the Allies during the World War. Great Britain accepted and
organized them, and used them against the Turks freely with the solemn
promises of giving them redress and autonomy consistent with their
institutions. By virtue of such repeated pledges, the armies of the Mar
Shimun rendered invaluable services both to the British and the Allies.
They were subsequently driven from their homes to Western Persia which
is now known as Iraq. In breach of her pledges to the Assyrians, Great
Britain delivered up her friends to their enemies by raising the Arabs
of Iraq to the throne, (a nation so murderous that only after a short
period of nine months of independence, an English officer was forced to
exclaim "I saw and heard many horrible things in the Great War, but
what I saw in Simel is beyond human imagination"); in the meanwhile she
put aside the problem of the Assyrians for a subsequent settlement.
That settlement is yet to come.}

^{All this happened after the 11^th
day of November 1918, which marked the end of political troubles for
England, and after her exploitation of the oil mines in Mosul. But
where is the 11^th day of November 1918 for the Assyrians?
Are not the}

^{Assyrians still in the trenches? And
"Where are the British now"ùtheir ally?}

^{"battle and toil survived, is this
the end}

^{Of all your high endeavor? Shall the
stock}

^{That death and desert braved be made
a mock}

^{Of gazine crowds, nor in the crowd a
friend?"}

^{Little wonder, then, that such acts
on the part of the British have been regarded by many Britons
themselves as acts of betrayal, nay, even as individual acts of treason
against humanity. The Bishop of Ripon is conscious of it when he
declares:}

^{"But so lately as last August
another blow fell on the good name and prestige of Great Britain . . .I
refer to the massacre of Assyrian Christians at Simel and elsewhere in
Iraq.But I say, with a full sense of responsibility that one could
hardly conceive a situation more calculated to damage this country at
the bar of world opinion as a betrayer of its friends. As such we have
been held up to scorn in the Press of other nations."}

^{The admission of a British officer is
enlightening: "I never felt such shame in my life as when I had to
explain our breach of faith to my Assyrian soldiers."}

^{As late as July the 15^th
of this year, Lord Hugh Cecil admitted the moral obligation of Great
Britain to the Assyrians when he stated that the Assyrians are in
danger and distress because the British unwisely and prematurely
discharged themselves from the old obligation of a mandatory power. The
principal cause of their distress, he declared, was that they were
Great Britain's allied during the Great War. He therefore considers
there is a moral obligation on Great Britain to provide "the funds to
transfer as many of the Assyrians as may wish to leave Iraq to new
homes provided by the French in Syria."}

^{"We have seemed by the abandonment of
the Assyrians and Kurds to sacrifice our very honour," has proclaimed
Sir Henry C. Dobbs, the former High Commissioner.}

^{The British policy with regard to the
Assyrians has been regarded by Dr. W.A. Wigram as a stain on the
national shield of Britain. This great humanitarian has impressed me so
deeply that I cannot refrain from quoting in toto his excellent summary
of the entire situation: (The Case for the Assyrians, delivered before
the Royal Central Asian Society on October 23, 1933. Lord Lloyd in the
Chair)}

^{"All men know that there has been
lately rather serious trouble within the new state of Iraq in which the
nation of the Assyrians have been involved. The sufferers feel that
they have a special claim to our interest in the matter, and it is
worth putting out the facts that show in what that claim consists.}

^{"To begin with, this nation was our
ally in the war. There was no formal treaty made with them by us, but
when they and the Russians were both fighting the Turk in the north and
we in the south of the same strategic field, we sent up officers to
themùCaptain G.F. Gracey was one û to arrange a joint plan
of action with them, a plan that they followed to their loss. This they
rightly took as constituting an alliance, and when as a result of their
acting on it they were later driven from their homes down to Western
Persia and what is now called Iraq, we received them, organized them,
and promised them a return to their country. The promise was made with
the authority of our then generals in the land and by the staff officer
who received the people, Colonel J.J. McCarthy. This was in the October
of 1918.}

^{"Such return was quite feasible at
the time, for the Turk was then 'down and out' and willing to receive
any order that we gave him with positive reverence. The Assyrians were
of course eager to go and the political authority in Iraq was willing
to send them, both then and for months after.}

^{"Unfortunately the home Government
intervened. In the making of the armistice with Turkey this small ally
had been forgotten, and some sort of understanding made that we were
not to advance beyond a certain lineùa line that we crossed when
our own convenience was concerned, however.}

^{"Hence orders were sent from home
that the question of the Assyrian settlement must wait for the
conclusion of formal peace with Turkey. They were put in refugee
campsùat very heavy costùand told to be patient. Meantime
the men entered our service as soldiers and served us right well.}

^{"It took four years for our
Government to make that peace with Turkey and a dismal and disastrous
hash it was when it was made. The long delay was fatal and the blunder
colossal, and has been the cause of many other tragedies besides this
Assyrian one; but when the peace was made at last, the question of the
frontier between Turkey and the new state of Iraqùin which was
included the settlement of these Assyriansùwas still left open
and referred for decision to the League of Nations. That body sent out
a commission for the purpose and gave a ruling that its members now
admit to have been a huge wrong. (Admission made personally to me at
Geneva) It gave the province of Hakkiari (the Assyrian home) to Turkey
and left the Assyrians in Iraq where they did not wish to be and the
Arabs did not want to have them. It did give, however, a definite
promise to the Assyrians to the effect that they were to be settled as
a homogeneous whole in their new home, where they should have their old
rightsùviz, local autonomy, their own officials, and the right
to pay tribute, not taxes, through the Patriarch of the Church who was
also their tribal chief.}

^{"The promise was foolish, very hard
to fulfill and very annoying to the new state of Iraq. But are the
Assyrians to be blamed for saying: "Well, you have taken our country
from us and given us this in exchange. It is a poor substitute, but we
must accept it. Now we expect you to keep your promise and settle us as
you yourselves say we ought to be settled". The province of Mosul was
assigned to Iraq on these terms and accepted by that country, subject
to a mandate to Great Britain to administer the whole for a period of
twenty years, dating from 1923.}

^{:When it came, however, to
implementing the promise of the League to the Assyrians, administrators
said at once: We cannot possibly put them in an autonomous area by
themselves; we must put them where we can. This was not the promise
made and good judges say the promise might have been kept without
difficulty. "I never felt such shame in my life" said one gallant
officer to the writer "as when I had to explain our breach of faith to
my Assyrian soldiers." Perhaps the Assyrians ought to have been good
children and said: You cannot give us what you promised or what the
League has said we ought to have instead. Well, we shall be very
grateful for anything that you choose to give." Unhappily brave men who
have been bitterly wronged are not always reasonable, and they insisted
on wanting what the League had said they had a right to. They would not
be scattered tenants at will û which means slaves û among
men who were their enemies of old and doubly their enemies of old and
doubly their enemies now because they had served us. For the fact of
the service is not denied even by their enemies. Every British officer
who has served in the Assyrian Levy swears they are the equals of any
troops in Asia. The Kurkha battalions from India frankly admitted them
as their own equals. The Air Marshal demanded either British troops or
the Assyrian Levy for the ground guard of his establishments in Iraq.
By the admission of the then High Commissoner, it was the Assyrian
force that saved the swamping of our rule in the Arab revolt of 1920
(Sir A. Silson, Mesopotamia, p. 291) and they who (as the C.o. in the
field Colonel Cameron declares) rolled back the Turkish invasion of
Iraq in 1922-23 at a time when the Iraqi troops were utterly unfit to
take the field themselves.}

^{"But this very fact caused the Iraqi
to hate them û Christians who had now proved themselves to be as
good as any true believers and who served the English. Of course
attempts were made to settle them, and some 15,000 out of 40,000 were
given homes û of a sort, and a precious poor sort. If any Kurd
liked to put in a claim for any land Assyrians could not have it.}

^{"They were not contented, however and
being tribesmen, tried to present their grievances through their
youthful Patriarch-Chief Mar Shimun. Hence he was accused for fomenting
trouble in the desire for temporal power, of disloyalty and of caring
only for his own family and kin. It is worth noting that the
accusations are self-contradictory. Actually his demands amounted to
this, far less than what the League had said was his due: All must obey
the law but surely the ignorant who do not know Arabic may be permitted
to use the mediation of their own Patriarch with the Government. That
is our tradition and we think it ought to be respected. That is allowed
to any Arab sheikh, and the claim will pass automatically as education
grows. It is worth noting that the Authorities who blamed the young man
for "trying for temporal power" also made a habit of applying to him to
use his influence with the Syrian Levy and keep it loyal when that
necessary body began to partake the general discontent; and the man who
was accused of caring only for his own family was offered a most
liberal endowment for it by the Government of Iraq if he would be
reasonable-and refused it. "I take no bribe to abandon my people.'}

^{"The question was still open and
uneasy when in 1932 (fifteen years before date) the Mandate was closed
and Iraq declared independent. The Assyrians protested, warning the
High Commissioner that their massacre would follow British withdrawal.
The High Commissioner could not deny the danger seeing that in his own
tenure of office he had ha to put a stopper on two such schemes;
nevertheless, he assured the Patriarch that the influence of the
British Ambassador û a post he was to fill himself û would
suffice to avert any danger and at Geneva Sir Francis Humphrys proposed
the admission of Iraq to the League as an independent power, declaring
that never had he known such tolerant and civilized Moslems, and that
in any case the moral responsibility for any mishap would be upon Greet
Britain. Thus we left the problem, which we had promised to settle and
which had proved too hard for us, in the hands of the raw
administrators of a new Moslem state.}

^{"They got to work in their own
fashion. The Mar Shimun was invited to Baghdad to discuss the matter
û and arrested on arrival. Subsequently he was deported without
trial by an ex post facto law to Cyprus. Other leaders of the people
were also interned and those left gathered together and told "Here are
the Government terms; accept them or go.}

^{"Many elected to go, repudiating all
idea of rebellion and asking that the womenfolk might follow them.
These men were deliberately goaded into an act of disorder and û
though our Foreign Office has made every effort to hide it û it
has now to be admitted that a hideous massacre followed and that these
tolerant people sent round the word for a holy war against the
Christians.}

^{"Can it be said that we have played
the game by those to whom we gave promises and who served us because
they trusted those promises? We have left them to the revenge of those
who hated them because they served us, and the official whose blunders
brought the disaster about has himself had to own that the moral
responsibility is on us.}

^{"The matter has gone to the League of
Nations, and they have declared that now a home must be found for these
Assyrians outside Iraq. Even the Iraqi authorities agree in that but a
place has to be found. That point is under discussion now and surely it
is up to us to see that those whom we have betrayed do have a suitable
home found for them even if we do have to pay down money to secure it."}

^{Far be it from the Assyrians even to
contemplate that the British public had a hand in these acts of
betrayal. Such a thought, if ever in being, must be banished forever.
It is the politicians and the officials who seem to have pre-ordained
that the Assyrians can not have an autonomous existence in a small
portion of a country that is theirs; that they are not entitled to
maintain the status quo of the pre-war days (eminently satisfactory to
the Assyrians); that they must be delivered to the t ender mercies of
the Moslem Arabs unconditionally; and that they must be deprived of
their leaders who have been deported to Cyprus and held as virtual
prisoners in defiance of the Fundamental Laws and League guarantees,
thus saying by implication:}

^{'Come let us destroy them, so that
they be not}

^{a nation. And let (their name) be
remembered no more."}

^{At the moment of writing when France
is relieving Britain of her inconvenient responsibilities, there is a
suggestion in the House of Commons the practical effect of which is to
transplant the Assyrians in Transjordania, to act as a buffer between
Amir Adbdulla al Husain (brother of Faisal) and King 'Abdul "Aziz el
Sa'ud-the two hereditary foes. What is it? Is there any Assyrian who
will repose further trust in the British? Is his memory so weak as to
have already forgotten what the "four squadrons of the British Air
Force" did only in the first part of August 1933? Has not the spark of
patriotism in every Assyrian heart burst into the flame of hold
indignation? Will the betrayers of trust still dwell in the temple of
our national life? Are there any traitors among us who still refuse to
listen to the cries of the blood of the slain: "T is time to part"? Has
not the color of the moral and spiritual ethics in the British politics
been made obvious yet?}

^{Some of the officials, above alluded
to, who are directly responsible for Britain's policies with reference
to the Assyrians, have been named at the beginning of the book on page
ix. There are others, however that deserves a slight allusion in this
connection. Our finger of accusation points, in the first place at the
Editor of the "Near East and India" who has raised aloft a noise of
false propaganda and befouled the air with raucous counsel which has
rendered his paper the butcher's cleaving axe to crucify and entire
nation û a nation that laid the foundation of a glorious
civilization centuries before his ancestors emerged from barbarism. He
has been consistently by his greedy treachery perverting the temple of
Christ into a brothel of blood, by his perennial cry, crucify them!
Crucify them!. More than once has he sold his Christ and betrayed the
brothers of Christ. Cruel man, who with heart of stone and corroded
conscience, can not see the all-admirable in the person of the Saint
and the Hero of the ages, His Beatitude the Mar Shimun. Instead he has
glorified murderers and tricksters until the virtues of "Frankness and
"Courage" have been completely denuded of all of their moral and
spiritual values. How could the band of Assyrians have been the initial
aggressors on the Tigris bank when operating in a hostile country as
they were, they must have been anxious bout the safety of their
defenseless families which were left behind in the midst of the Arabs?
The logic of the situation proves beyond all cavil that they could have
had no possible war-like intention. Notwithstanding this, which party
was the "original aggressor" is a matter of the least importance? The
important thing, for the moment, is the undisputed fact that a conflict
has taken place between these two forces in the Northern part of Iraq
in the first part of August 1933. That conflict has raised an issue of
fact. The Iraqi defenders from without assert that the Assyrians were
the "original aggressors"; the Assyrians make no assertion whatsoever
but simply interpose a demurrerùthey are satisfied to have the
matter submitted to a judicial determination. The Editor of "Near East
and India" and his coterie cannot permit this, lest justice, truth and
reason prevail. Nothing smells worse than the aroma that is seething
through the international air since this Editor entered this field of
the dispute. Who is this Editor? Why does he not announce his majesty
himself to the world? What is the sanctity in the invocation of
anonymity?}

^{The courteous readers should refer to
Chapter X for those who practice falsehood under saintly guise, such as
rev. R.C. Cumberland and Rev. John Van Ess.}

^{The Assyrians certainly have a
warlike history, but they have fought for only what they have held to
be their birth-right and to protect themselves. Here, is responsibility
attaches to any at all, it attaches to the instinct of
self-preservation. Beyond that, they are mightier than the mightiest in
the matter of respecting law and order and in the practice of the
common virtues of personal and domestic life. Had there been an atom of
truth in the statement of the newspaper reporter that they are "raiders
and looters by inclination and by tradition, and determined opponents
of any regime of law and orderà" the Russian and the British
officers would not, time and again, have expressed their preference for
Assyrian soldiers. The book proves its author to be die-hard in regard
to Iraq. The major portion of it is composed of chapters that contain
repetition of fraudulent and misinterpreted facts, in ways most
diabolical, which is alien to the genius of true journalism and which
excites contempt. Mr. Main cannot pervert truth and expect to have an
art-work of permanent value. this is by the dictionary. Unfortunately
there is one fact which he cannot apparently}

^{Conceal û the fact of the
massacre. He fears that the American public will raise their voice of
protest against the barbarism of Iraq. His fear is palpably justified.
America is a nation of glorious protestsùthe first protest of
magnitude took place on the eve of the fourth of July 1776, which
translated kings into dust.}

^{I now find myself in the midst of a
new civilizationùthousands of miles away from the church of my
birth. And yet, as this old-fashioned Oriental recalls its rituals, he
is captivated anew by their irresistible charm, vividness, force and
virtue. The whir and bang and din and clang and clatter of the machine
have not in any degree diminished his love for it. He still finds
fascination in the imagination of the pictures therein. The picture of
the Holy Virgin is, to him, simply a motive in spirit. His soul craves
to find Her and the Son and the Saints and the Angels in the curves of
certain lines and in the loveliness and subtleties of certain colors.
They are occasions and counselors leading on to other more glorious
scenes and spheres. Only on the wings of such suggestions can one, in
his flight pass from the hydra to the angel, from matter to the soul,
from stones to God, and find}

^{Tongues in trees, books in the
running brooks,}

^{Sermons in stones, and good in
everything}

^{Yes, the Jacobite Church is my church
and I take filial pride in the acknowledgment thereof.}

^{To state the whole in a different
figure of speech: Jacobites are Jacobites only by virtue of their
religious faith; they are Assyrians by virtue of their nationality. As
such they resent any injustice that is directed against any part of
their national composition, forù}

^{"No distance breaks the tie of blood;}

^{Brothers are brothers evermore."}

^{We must now turn our attention to the
Yazidis.}

^{CHAPTER VIII: THE YAZIDIS}

^{The
Yazidis are known as the devil worshippers. In Iraq, they are estimated
at some 40,000 and inhabit the two districts of Shaikhan and Sinjar in
the Mosul Liwa. They are probably of Kurdish origin. They speak Kurdish
but they are not Moslems. They form an entirely distinct element of the
population of Iraq. They are a united organism and are almost the only
settled population in the Western desert. They regard Islam as a
sacrilegious religion. The Yazidis themselves maintain that they are
different from all the other races in the world and of more ancient
origin. According to their legend, they are descended from Adam alone,
whereas all other men are descended from Adam and Eve.}

^{From the remotest times, the Yazidis
have lived in complete isolation. According to their belief, a man can
never become a Yazidi-he can only be born one. They do not attempt to
make conversions, and there is according no infiltration of foreign
blood. Inter-marriage with the followers of other faith is impossible.
Their religious casts are the Sheiks, the Pirs, the Faqirs, the
Qawwals, the Avans and the servants of the tomb of Sheik "Adi, in the
district of Shaikhan Qadha. The Amir (Prince) is the only man entitled
to several wives and can choose them without restriction.}

^{The religion of the Yazidis is a
curious confusion of all kinds of elements. Nobody has yet succeeded in
penetrating all its secrets. It borrows from the Persians the
conception of good and evil principles and also the belief in the
transmigration of souls. They practice circumcision which may have been
borrowed from Judaism or Islam, or probably û as Wigram thinks
û from an older source common to both. The Yazidis venerate Jesus
Christ and the Sign of the Cross. On the walls of the Temple there is
seen the sun, the moon and the stars, and beside the great doorway an
immense image of a black serpent. The Yazidis also worship fire, and
here there is some connection with the Zoroastrian religion.}

^{The Yazidis believe in a Supreme
being "the Most High" whom they call Yasdan, and this probably is the
derivation of their name. The Supreme Being, however, is far too high
for direct worship. He is in the Heavens and takes no heed of the
Earth. From him have issued seven great spirits, the first and greatest
of whom is "Malik Taus," who is no other than the Devil. The second is
"Malik'Isa" Jesus. Malik Taus is worshipped in the form of a bronze
peacock. He is carried by the Qawwal (the fourth caste) from village to
village and is worshipped by the Yazidis. The Yazidis took refuge in
the mountain of Sinjar after Timur's invasion.}

^{The Yazidis are forbidden to utter,
or even to hear, the name of Satan or the syllables of that name; nor
may they wear blue. These peculiarities and the secret practices of
their religion have led to many difficulties in connection with their
military service. In Russia (Caucasus) where there are still Yazidis,
they were at one period exempt from military service. In Moslem
countries, this was not so. They were regarded as a Moslem sect and as
such they were frequently persecuted by the Moslem clergy and religious
communities.}

^{In earlier times the Yazidis were
numerous. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries they were
decimated by struggles with the Arabs and Turks and by great massacres,
which ensued. The map showing the extent of the former Yazidi territory
was greater than what it is now. That map is in manuscript entitled
"Armenia Major, based upon Armenian Authors," and drawn up by the
Academie Francaise in 1765.}

^{Mineralogists, sent to Jabal Sinjar
by the Iraqi authorities when the Syro-Iraqi frontier was still
unsettled, have reported the existence of various kinds of minerals
still unexploited in considerable quantities. The Jabal was also
reported to contain oil and iron.}

^{The Yazidis refused to take part in
the election of Faisal as king of Iraq, for they knew from past
experience of the Arabs what that would mean to them. But Sir Kenehan
Cornwallis paid them a special visit and persuaded them to do so
promising them at the same time very liberal treatment under British
auspices. They were promised that no Arab officials would be posted to
their districts; that their agricultural lands would not be encroached
upon; and that their religion would be safe-guarded. Lt.-Colonel Nadler
(now in the Sudan Civil Service) the then British Divisional Adviser,
Mosul, in a private letter to the Christian Qaimaqam at Sinjar
instructed the latter to assure the Yazidis of the indefinite
continuance of the British mandate, if they voted for Faisal.}

^{These were partly the methods adopted
to bomb Amir Faisal on to the throne of Iraq.}

^{Arab officials have been posted to
the Yazidi districts. Encroachments upon their land by Arabs are of
constant occurrence, and the British mandate has been removed long
before its legal term and long before the Arabs in Iraq became
half-civilized.}

^{The Yazidis have petitioned the
League of Nations and definitely stated that they would welcome an
Assyrian enclave in the Mosul Liwa, and asked that their districts
might be included in that enclave, a in this way along they can feel
secure. They also stated that the huge amounts of revenue collected
from them is being spent on improvements of the Arab districts in the
south. When the enclave proposal was objected to by the ex-mandatory
power, there was a keen desire û as now exists û on the
part of the Yazidis to be included in Syrian territory under the French
mandate. As the inimical attitude of the Iraq Government against the
Yazidis is unchangeable, news of a serious clash between the two should
not surprise me.}

^{As usual, seeds of dissension between
the various sections of the Yazidis are being sown, but these methods
can only result in an armed conflict, which in my opinion is the only
one remedy to check the evil activities of Faisal's Government.}

^{Had the Mosul Wilayet remained under
French domination as was originally intended, the inhabitants of that
part of the world would not have been subjected to so much misery.}

^{The Moslem Aeqaf department recently
claimed that the lands surrounding the shrine of Shaikh "Adi in the
Shaikhan Qadha were the property of the Moslems for the very simple
reason that Sheik "Adi was a Moslem pious from Damascus. This claim was
put forward by the Awqaf department as soon Yazidis petitioned the
Government for Tapu deeds. Some 45 years ago, the Turks made similar
attempts to illegally confiscate the lands with the result that there
were many casualties on both sides and the Turks had to abandon their
claim. Now comes another Moslem Government with fantastic claims. The
Awqaf department}

^{Did not press its claim for political
reasons as the Syro-Iraq frontier was not decided at the time, but new
attempts will be made by the Iraq Government to rob others of even
their sacred places.}

^{CHAPTER IX: THE JEWS AND OTHER MINORITIES}

^THE
JEWS

^{The Jews of Iraq are
of Semitic race. The language still in use in their synagogues and
private correspondence is Hebrew but they all know Arabic. In Iraq,
they are estimated at some 90,000 souls. They are found in almost every
corner of Iraq but the majority inhabits the three principal towns,
Basrah, Baghdad and Mosul. In the Mosul Liwa, most of them,
particularly those is Zakho, speak Syriac like any Assyrian or
Chaldean. They command bout eighty per cent of the Iraq trade. On
Saturday, for instance, the official holiday of the Jews, the Iraqi
markets resemble a cemetery, for the majority of the shops and
commercial houses run by the News as they are, are closed. The Jews are
the best race for preserving strictly their official holiday as sacred,
but I doubt whether they will be able to maintain this privilege owing
to the new rules enforced by a fanatical Iraq government.}

^{The Jews are clever and laborious and
one can hardly see an idle Jew, but it is a matter of great doubt if
the Iraq Government will allow them to prosper and advance. Subjected
to callous oppression like the other minorities, they heartily share
the sentiments and sufferings of the other minorities. They keep aloof
from all governmental controversies; yet they are never left alone.
Almost every Iraqi high official owes money to the News and repayment
is hardly ever made. The Jews cannot refuse "to lend" as one day or
other they will be dragged in business connected with the Government
and if they had failed "to lend" or refused "to strike off" such loans,
or rather "the bad debts", they will have to account for it there and
then.}

^{It was not long ago that King Faisal
borrowed from the famous Jew railway contractor, Hayyim effendi
Nathanail, a sum of three hundred thousand rupees which Faisal had
earmarked for anti-French propaganda in Syria. This is, of course, not
the first propaganda of its kind or the first allotment made under that
heading. In 1920, just before Faisal was kicked out of Syria by General
Gouraud, similar anti-French propaganda was conducted by Faisal and his
present Iraqi Ministers. To be fair, I must admit that the source which
supplies the necessary funds for that hostile propaganda is not quite
as the present, though the aim is a joint one. During those days, when
there was ample justification for General Gouraud's action (for signs
of Faisal's despotic rule had become apparent) the propaganda was
conducted with British money which was being supplied by the Arab
Bureau whose headquarters was in Cairo under Colonel Gilbert Clayton,
the Chief of the Arab Bureau and later British High Commissioner in
Iraq.}

^{Hayyim effendi, I am sure, would be
glad to strike off the debt against Faisal and be quite contented if no
more demands for money are made to him. Hayyim effendi is the Iraq
railway contractor and he was threatened with the cancellation of his
contract if he refused to advance the money. Moreover, his refusal
û even if he did not have the contract û would have meant
an undoubted untimely death.}

^{The Jews were the first to be
terrified at the news of the lifting of the British mandate, but
through fear of reprisals they refrained from appealing to the League
of Nations or from taking an active part in the efforts made on behalf
of the Iraq minorities from time to time.}

^{Ever since the formation of the Iraqi
Government in 1921, there has only been one Jew minister, Sir Susun
Hisqail, in the Iraqi cabinet and this was many years ago for political
reasons. All the Jews appointed by Sir Sasun in the Ministry and
Finance and other ministries or department are being gradually weeded
out though they are the best officials so far as finances and accounts
are concerned.}

^{As in the Turkish days, the Jews of
Iraq can always be gotten into trouble to enable those in power to
squeeze them for money. Zionism has been an effective weapon in the
hands of the Arabs of Iraq to achieve this end. They are unfortunately
being attacked in the press for their alleged pro-Zionism feelings
though there has been no sign whatsoever of any public activity in that
respect to justify these scandalous attacks, for they are clever enough
to realize that the place to promote Zionism is Palestine and not Iraq.}

^{But the ministers and officials want
money. The Jews have the money and the idle Iraqis must share it with
them. The latter (though not Reds) state that the Jews have obtained
their money in Iraq and "it is our legal right to share it with them."}

^{In 1924, on the arrival of the late
Sir Alfred Mond with his party in Iraq, a wild anti-Zionism
demonstration was set in motion in Baghdad. A mob of over twenty
thousand Arabs crossed the Maude Bridge to Baghdad West to lay out Sir
Alfred and his party. Passengers coming from Europe and other countries
via Syria on that day were savagely treated. Some were injured; others
insulted and were only released on finding that Sir Alfred was not
amongst them. To rescue Sir Alfred and his party, Captain R.E. Alderman
C.I.E.;O.B.E Administrative-Inspector (Baghdad) was dispatched with a
number of empty cars to meet Sir Alfred at Khan Nuqtah at which place
Sir Alfred and party were transferred to Alderman's convoy and brought
into Baghdad under the cover of darkness via A'dhamiyah. What is of
immediate interest is that the ringleader was promoted and ultimately
given a responsible position in the Iraqi Consular service. He was made
Secretary to an Iraqi Consul-General to be discharged after embezzling
considerable sums of money, governmental and private. "Discharged"
means after a while he will be given a better position that he held.}

^{I know twenty-five Assyrians in
Beyrouth who during the tenure of this man had applied for passports to
Iraq. As is customary they paid the fees required in advance against
formal receipts. The matter, when I left Beyrouth on the 25^th
of August 1933, was alleged to have been under correspondence for the
last eighteen months, but neither the passports were given them nor the
money refunded though applied for continuously.}

^{There is a saying, universal in Iraq,
that the tail of a dog was once deposited in a pipe for forty days for
the purpose of having it straightened, but upon taking it out, it was
found to be as twisted as ever. It appears that Sir Francis, though
aware of that twisted tail, declared at Geneva that he was successful
in his experiment and that it was quite safe for the minorities to be
under the mercy and protection of that tail. I wonder if he would have
left the British interests under the mercy of that tail had Geneva had
the courage of asking to do so!}

^{The Iraq Government has in view the
application of a conscription law. No sooner did the news for such a
move reach the ears of the Jews than the passport departments in Iraq
were inundated with applications from the Jews to leave Iraq and settle
in Palestine, their National Home, the only place where they can live
in peace in the future. Within two weeks, one passport center received
over three hundred applications but they were held up as thousands of
others would have followed suit. The Jews have every reason to be
apprehensive if, and when, conscription is enforced, because they have
hardly forgotten the horrors of the Great War. During those black days,
Turkish paper notes were equivalent to one-fifth of their original
value and all the wealthy Jews without exception were ordered by the
then authorities to accept paper notes at their face value in exchange
for gold coinage. Refusal to do so meant death. They were forced to
become soldiers (though they had paid the legal blood money more than
once which procedure exempted them from military service, and although
they were tortured and exposed to intolerable treatment by various
devilish means and although they had accepted considerable sums in
paper notes and exchanged them for gold) were put in bags and thrown
into the river alive; others were crucified in the godowns of the
Mesopotamia Persia Corporation, Ltd. Which was occupied by the Turks.
The Iraqis who wish to enforce conscription are those same people of
the war days and no doubt worse.}

^{In point of fact, conscription to
them means more money from these helpless people. One of the police
inspectors who were responsible for those flagitious acts is now a
commandant of police in Iraq and there are many others of his type.}

^{If conscription is a real national
move and if Yasin and others with the co-operation of the Jews and the
other minorities, the latter must first be permitted to exercise their
full rights before the law without discrimination between an Arab and
non-Arab or a Moslem and non-Moslem. But if Yasin wishes to have a
strong army to order the British to leave Iraq bag and baggage, I think
an alliance with the neighbors would be more effective.}

^{During one of Amir Ghazi's visits to
Mosul and at a dinner party, an influential Arab of Mosul
askedTahsin'Ali, the Mutasarrif of Mosul, if he could have the village
of Sindur in Dohuk which has been under the disposal of the Jews for
many centuries. The Mutasarrif replies, "if you really mean it, it is
very easy to eject these Jews from the lands". This is themanner in
which justice will be administered when His Royal Highness, Ghazi,
succeeds his father on the throne.}

^{The Syro-Palestinian Committee has
been rather busy in Geneva publishing injudicious pamphlets in defense
of the acts of extreme heinousness of their brother-Iraqis. For
instance, their report for the period ending September, 1933, entitled
"La Nation Arabe" contains the most ridiculous and preposterous
material that has ever appeared and I believe if they have no better
common sense to produce better quality, there is no doubt that they are
stupidly defeating their own end by these puerile publications. Despite
their denial of the massacre of the Assyrians, the Iraqi delegation a
few days later was made to admit that "excesses were committed." The
Arab unity which this and other Arab committees pretend to be serving
is droll, for two-small groups in a small town like Geneva have not
been able to agree on one line of action as will be seen from the
above. If this and the other Arab committees, the journey-men of
Faisal, wish to serve the Arab cause they would be well advised to ask
their brother-Iraqis to respect the rights of the other races in Iraq
so that their own may be respected by the Jews in Palestine.}

^{But has the Arab history ever been
constructive?}

^{Cases of Jewish girls kidnapped by
Arabs in Iraq and forcibly married have increased lately. Girls of
under fifteen have been parted from their parents and the latter,
together with the Rabbis, have not been given the chance of even
speaking to such girls to see whether or not they accept Islam
voluntarily. This privilege is a legal one but "on paper" only. The
case of the girl Khatun is one of many examples. Islam is a scourge on
these minorities.}

^{On the other hand, any Moslem girl
that may marry other than a Moslem, even of her own free will, is
instantly killed. The age of a girl forced to embrace Islam under the
pretext of marriage is by law estimated by the administrative council
of the district concerned or by the c}

^{courts where the majority of the
members is Moslem and the vote of a British judge (for normally he is a
minority) does not help the victims.}

^{In Iraq a Moslem finds it more easy
to kill a Jew than to kill a chicken. Murderers as in the case of the
other minorities are seldom punished. It is a crime to execute a Moslem
for killing a Jew; the Jew is considered too mean an object to be equal
to an Arab life. I regret that this is not the place to narrate case
after case of manslaughter. One example should suffice.}

^{On December 23^rd, 1931,
Ezra Daud Hayyim, a Jew from Baghdad was stabbed to death by an Arab.
The dispute arose out of a land case. The Arab who was the tenant of
the Jew had refused to pay the rent for three successive years and the
friendly requests of Ezra failed to produce any satisfactory result. He
was obliged to take the case to the courts, and for taking the normal
legal course he had to suffer death. The murderer was arrested and
condemned to death by the courts but his papers had to go to His
Majesty King Faisal to issue his royal decree sanctioning the death
penalty. Just as the papers went up to the King, a very prominent Arab
in the service of the Government intervened and told the king that the
death sentence must not be confirmed as a Moslem must not be executed
for having killed a "dog-Jew" The death sentence was commuted to
imprisonment which means that the murderer will be released through
further interventions that are bound to follow.}

^{During the recent massacre of the
Assyrians, the Jews generously subscribed financially to help the
families of the so-termed Arab martyrs who were killed during the
military operations against the Assyrians. Some of these had
volunteered to join the army and fight the Assyrians but none of course
did so. What is behind this? Is their desire to fight the Assyrians
genuine? Or is it through fear (the real cause) that they pretend to
co-operate with the oppressors against the Assyrians? These Jews were
forced to join the anti-Zionism demonstration against Sir Alfred Mond
of which I have spoken in the earlier part of this chapter and this is
another proof of the tyrannical rule existing in Iraq.}

^{II. Other Minorities}

^{Time has not permitted
me to deal with the grievances of the still smaller minority groups in
Iraq but the reader will have gathered that their lot is in no way
better than that of the larger minority groups. The Bahais, for
instance, have had their property illegally taken from them by Moslem
(but by order of the law courts). Sir Francis Humphrys admitted the
illegality of the action. The League of Nations on four occasions drew
the attention of the mandatory power to the grave miscarriage of
justice done to this unfortunate minority and despite the strong
representations at Geneva, Sir Francis was unable to see that justice
for which Britain was once upon a time famous, is carried out.}

^{I do not think the Moslems in India
would have been antagonized if justice had been allowed, in this and
other cases, to take its course!}

^{The minutes of the Permanent Mandates
Commission on the Bahai minority (1930/32) are most interesting to read
as they clearly show in what manner Great Britain has fulfilled her
obligations in Iraq.}

^{CHAPTER X: MISSIONARIES AND POLITICS}

^{REV. R.C. CUMBERLAND}

^{This
missionary-politician is an American Presbyterian living at Dohuk
(Mosul Liwa) whose work is to convert Moslem-Kurds into Christianity.
He has no connection with the Assyrians despite the statement by the
Iraq Times on the second of May 1933 in regard to an article written by
Mr. Cumberland on the Assyrians. The Iraq Times stated that "Mr.
Cumberland has been living in Dohuk among the Nestorian Christians with
whom he has been in intimate contact for nine years." The statement of
the Iraq Times is totally wrong, but it was merely written "to pump"
the unlucky Cumberland who had by now gone out of his way in dabbling
in affairs of which he was absolutely ignorant. On the other hand, the
Iraq Times by utilizing the poor services of Mr. Cumberland was serving
its own purposes to gain favour of the Iraq Government as it had
declared on the day of its incorporation (it was formerly known as the
Baghdad Times) with the Basrah Times, that its new policy would be to
always support the policy of the Iraq Government in power. The Iraq
Times is looked upon by the Arab newspapers as the mouth-piece of the
British Embassy and for this reason it is certainly unpopular. It has
attempted to gain popularity at the cost of the Assyrians and it could
have found no more unprincipled man than Cumberland as will be seen
from his contradictory reports written within a very short time.}

^{Having no practical connection with
the Assyrians, Cumberland knows as much about them as I do about
astronomy. The Iraq Government, having discovered his weakness and
ambitions, made a food of him û an act which is harmful to the
American name in that part of the world. For that he has to thank his
friend Major Wilson.}

^{Mr. Cumberland is known to me
personally. My first contact with him was when he dashed into my office
now and then complaining bitterly of the Arab officials' dishonesty and
incapacity, for he was unable to obtain "title deeds" for the land he
had purchased in Dohuk though he was legally entitled to such deeds,
and he thought that without a bribe in some form or other, it would be
impossible to obtain them. Major Wilson intervened to right the wrong
but in vain.}

^{Having devoted his time to local
politics, thus neglecting his primary work, his position became awkward
in 1933. His work with the Kurds has been a complete failure. During a
period of some ten years, only one Kurd is reported to have been
Christianized and this, it should be made clear, was not due to
Cumberland's missionary work. All that Mr. Cumberland did was that on
hearing of the Christianized-Kurd, he journeyed a distance of two days
to visit the "new Christian" and speedily dotted down his name in his
books, reporting his successful achievement to his Board. The truth was
not such. The Kurd had already been a Christian for four years and this
was solely due to his connection with the Assyrians.}

^{When Mr. Cumberland was impartial, he
wrote a statement in 1929-30 of which I give an extract hereunder:}

^{"The cases of the tribes of Tkhuma
and Tiyari have been especially unfortunate: In 1921 and 1922, with
British encouragements that were interpreted as promises of security,
they returned to their ancestral homes, investing all they had or could
borrow; in 1924 they were ejected by the Turks. It is not surprising
that they feel that they have been seriously wronged, and that they are
hesitant about making even an investment of effort in establishing
themselves again on the strength of any promise of the government. Even
amongst those who are now in villages, one can sense the feeling that
they consider themselves ready to run at a moment's notice; and the
gloom of despair is in such a community as the eight or ten households
have been living since 1924, in the caves above Alqossh and eking out a
precarious existence by such menial labour as the established citizens
of the community may choose to give them.}

^{"The landlord is one focus of the
settlement problem. Most of the desirable land is privately owned; and
it will be a good many years at best before the Assyrians can become
independent economically. It is not unnatural that the Assyrians do not
find such a position in the community satisfactory. The Government has
made rather generous offers of land owned by it, including the
remission of taxes for a number of years and a cheap sale price to
cultivators; but such offers have been accepted in only a few cases,
partly because of a lack of confidence in the promises of the
Government and partly because a good many of the places offered are
considered uninhabitable because of the unproductiveness of the land,
the danger of malaria, or the fear of Kurdish neighbours. The future
success of settlement on Government land will depend largely on the
degree of success of the few groups that have had the hardihood to
undertake it now.}

^{The second focus of the settlement is
taxation. This year there are fields lying idle that were cultivated
two years ago, simply because the cultivators say it is no use to a
year's work and then have the Government eat the results. This is not
especially an Assyrian problem, however; it applies to all of
Kurdistan. But it is pertinent to the settlement problem in this: the
Assyrians can hardly be expected to be keen to begin an undertaking of
cultivation which old established settlers are not able to carry on.}

^{"Another important element in the
situation is the natural desire of the Assyrians to keep themselves
near together. It is difficult to persuade a group of ten or twelve
houses to establish themselves in a village far distant from other
Assyrian villages. Clannishness accounts for a part of this but in
their minds security is the larger factor. Not that they expect to
enter into armed conflict with their neighbours-though the history of
their relations with the Kurds does not encourage them to forget such a
possibility û but that they fear being in a small minority in the
social and economic and legal clashes that are apparently inevitable
course of human relations. They have enough difficulty, at best, to
obtain anything even approaching justice in a Moslem country; and they
tend to consider that their position in the community will be stronger
if they remain a compact group geographically, as well as racially,
culturally and religiously.}

^{"There are perhaps a thousand houses
of the Assyrians still living in the Simel and Dohuk regions though
there has been a general movement toward the mountains. Malaria is
still ravaging not only the Assyrians but also the Kurds; and is quite
prevalent in the mountain villages as in those of the plain. Government
dispensaries, located in the center of each Qaza afford some relief by
the distribution of quinine; and good work by the American Near East
Relief was closed in September 1929, it was especially for the
Assyrians.}

^{"After the break-up of the camp at
Mindan, the people were scattered rather promiscuously; it appears that
to them the natural form of permanent settlement is on the basis of
their tribal grouping.}

^{"The levies do not have the
pre-eminence that they formerly had, because the Arab army has greatly
improved. I think, however, that most observers would still judge that
the levies have a distinct margin of superiority. Their headquarters
were moved from Mosul to Baghdad in Novemeber 1928; they continue at a
strength of about 4,000 men, which by the way forms the backbone of the
economic support of the whole Assyrian group in Iraq; there are
comparatively few families that do not look to at least one member in
the levies for financial aid. For some years rumors have occasionally
spread that the levies are to be disbanded 'in the near future" I have
no idea what will really happen, except that it is difficult to
visualize the Iraq Government continuing the levies after 1932.}

^{"It should be mentioned also that a
large number of the Assyrians are enlisted in the police force, the
most efficient branch of the Iraq Government."}

^{Under instructions from the Iraq
Government, the press bureau which is a branch of the Ministry of
Interior, Baghdad, disallows the members of the Iraq minorities to have
access to the press even in matters of self-defense. All favorable
information relating to the minorities emanating from the West or the
neighbouring countries is suppressed while anti-minority news is given
full publicity however false and fantastic such news may be.}

^{The Iraqi laws, including the
constitutional law, are reasonable but in Iraq the law is the minister
or provincial official who construes the clauses of the laws to meet
their own malicious aims and personal ambitions. Cases do not occur
where two typical demands received two different treatments. Mr.
Cumberland's case is a typical one. This gentleman who proved a failure
in his "Kurdish mission" attempted to proselytize the Assyrian who are
by far more Christian than himself. Having also failed in this latter
undertaking, he gave himself up to the Iraqi authorities with whose
influence he probably thought to Christianize the Christian Assyrians.
He sold himself and his conscience to the same people of whom he was so
bitterly complaining not long ago. He undertook to serve the Arab case
by dabbling in affairs for which he was not destined.}

^{Dr. Petros, son of Qasha Daniel, an
Assyrian, sent an article in October 1932 to the World Dominion
exposing the true position of his suffering compatriots. Mr. Cumberland
volunteered to reply in the same paper in April 1933. The Iraq
Government who hates everything non-Arab and who had not so long ago
prevented missionaries from dabbling in politics, sent Cumberland's
article, duly translated, to the Iraqi newspapers for publication. This
was published in Al Iraqi of 29/4/33; Al Istiqlal of 30/4/33, Al Ahali
and 'Alam ul 'Arabi' of 1/5/33 and in the Iraqi Times of 2/5/33. As the
article was officially communicated to the newspapers its publication
was unavoidable. On the other hand, a Chaldean priest (Rev. Paul Bedar)
had no alternative but to publish his views in the form of a pamphlet
which the police confiscated, though its contents were not in any way
in contravention of the laws. On June 28, 1933, however, Sa'id Chalbi
al Haj Thabit whose name will appear elsewhere, in a speech in the
Iraqi parliament, alluded to that pamphlet and asked the Prime Minister
"if the government had taken action against that criminal and whether
the press in which the pamphlet was printed or was not already
confiscated?"}

^{Article 12 of the Iraqi
constitutional law is worthwhile quoting. It is this:}

^{"Freedom of
expression of opinion, liberty of publication, of meeting together and
of forming and joining associations is guaranteed to all Iraqi (sic)
within such limits as may be prescribed by law."}

^{Article 4 of the guarantees taken
from Iraq by the Counsel of the League of Nations and declared at
Baghdad on May 30, 1932 (official No. A.17.1932.VII) for the protection
of the Iraq minorities quoted below is of no less interest.}

^{"All Iraqi
nationals shall be equal before the law and shall enjoy the same civil
and political rights without distinction as to race, language or
religion."}

^{These two
articles are very nice on paper, but their application lies in the
hands of persons brought up in the corrupt atmosphere of 'Abdul Hamid
II, the great assassin, and these are the same people who took part in
the massacres of the Armenians whom Britain pretended to believe that
they had altered their manners by replacing the fez by a Sidara (New
Iraqi head dress).}

^{It is delirious to expect Iraqis to
respect laws or honor pledges. This habit is unchangeable; it was
brought up with them.}

^{While on the question of the freedom
of the press, I must not forget the interesting case of Mr. William S.
Kenneth. This far-sighted English writer, who was well aware that "All
was not well in the north of Iraq" despite Sir Francis' assurances,
wrote an article in September 1932 in the Fortnightly Review just when
Iraq was on the point of being bombed into the League of Nations, and
prophesized certain things which turned out to be true within a period
of less than a year of his prophesy. Other predictions await
completion. The Newspaper of 'Alam ul 'Arabi, administered by
Salim Bazzun, attempted to translate Mr. Kenneth's article for the
information of the public and actually published a part of it on
September 17^th, 1932. On the 18^th of September,
he was warned by the press bureau that "continuation of the translation
would mean suppression of his newspaper: and he was obliged to give it
up. The editor was sent for by the Royal Palace and censured. Bazzum
was at the time in Lebanon.}

^{Soviet Russia is accused of some
"horrible things." Would I be reprehensible if I accuse Iraq of many
more "horrible things."?}

^{I have no English version of Mr.
Cumberland's article that has formed the subject of this chapter. The
Arabic translation is unreliable and I should not like to run the risk
of criticizing him on the basis of that translation. Nevertheless, my
attitude is justified by his other reports before me. Captain Philip
Mumford, formerly British Special Service officer in Iraq made the
following statement before the Royal Central Asian Society, journal
Vol.XX. part III page 483, July 1933.}

^{"Those interested in the Assyrian
question should not fail to read Dr. Petros' letter published in the
World Dominion of October 1932 and the reply thereto by Mr. Cumberland
in the same paper of April 1933 as they give the main points of both
sides of the controversy.}

^{"Dr. Petros has six complaints, the
most important being (a) that the Assyrian levies now being disbanded,
the discharged soldiers have nowhere to go except to the malarial and
generally unhealthy zones already occupied by their compatriots: (b)
that owing to naturalization grievance, the Assyrians are debarred from
work in government offices and the Iraq petroleum coy; and (c) that the
lands given to the Assyrian "refugee" are malarial and in other ways
unsuited for a mountain dwelling race, insinuating that as a future no
unlikely event. Mr. Cumberland appears to be of the opinion the plight
of the Assyrians is not as is sometimes claimed, and further that many
of their disabilities are the result of their own folly. The first of
his replies to Dr. Petros' points are (a) that notwithstanding certain
action of the Assyrian officers last year by which they forfeited a
good deal of the former dependence placed upon the reliability of the
Assyrians, the levies are not being entirely disbanded, but made into a
new force into which the Assyrians are being given the option of
enlist. (b) He states that more Assyrians might be working in the Iraq
Petroleum Company if properly qualified and that Iraqi citizenship is
not an unreasonable qualification for such employment. (c) The
Assyrians are settled in the best part of the country as far as climate
is concerned. But he goes on to criticize them for growing rice, with
its corollary of malaria; for not troubling to drain swamps; and lastly
accuses the ex-levy officers who as he states have learned the elements
of sanitation, for reverting to the "vile and unsanitary customs of
their former life."}

^{"Truth lies between extremes, but
looking at the whole position from an unbiased point of view, I cannot
help feeling that the truth in this case lies nearer to Dr. Petros'
complaint than Mr. Cumberlands' explanations.}

^{"To recapitulate the points already
raised: Mr. Cumberland's statement that the Assyrians can now re-enlist
in the new force is only partially correct. That force is about half
the size of the disbanded Assyrian levies and is a mixed force of
Arabs, Kurds, and Assyrians. Only a very small percentage of the old
levy soldiers can therefore be re-engaged. Mr. Cumberland further
asserts that the Assyrians in the levies received higher pay than is
given to the Iraqi army. This again is only partially true. The "other
rank" received more than their corresponding position in the Iraq army,
but the Assyrian officers received less than Iraq army soldiers.}

^{"With regard to the question of
naturalization and employment, while many Assyrians, owing to national
prejudice, were slow to avail themselves of the opportunity offered, it
is known to all British officers who have recently served in Northern
Iraq that, in actual fact, such naturalization was not freely given to
those already in Government service, and many Assyrians have been
refused naturalization with the only apparent motive of getting rid of
them from the service.}

^{"It is on the last point, however,
that Mr. Cumberland appears to be most unjust to the Assyrian
complaint, and begins by contradicting himself badly. Having stated as
already quoted that the Assyrians are settled "in the best part of the
country as far as climate is concerned" and continuing by stating that
their hygienic conditions are "no worse than those of the Yazidis and
Kurds," he seems to have forgotten that at the beginning of his article
he has already said that "naturally the inhabitants of the country,
mostly Kurds or Yazidis, had for generations been occuping the best
village sites and tilling the best soil and grazing their "flocks in
the best pastures.}

^{"This of course is the great and
insuperable difficulty that those who wished to solve the Assyrian
question have always been up against. Anyone who has spent time in Iraq
knows that the places in that country which are habitable, but have
been left unoccupied for generations by the local inhabitants, are not
particularly delectable or salubrious spots. He then accuses levy
soldiers of degenerating in cleanliness when returning to their
villages. Clean habits are partly a matter of environment and
opportunity. To go no further than Baghdad itself, has Mr. Cumberland
ever visited the Assyrian village outside the south gate? Placed near
one of the rubbish dumps of the town and lying against a stagnant pool
fed mainly from such sewers as Baghdad possesses, the writer doubts his
own ability to maintain reasonable hygienic habits if put there for
life.}

^{"Lastly, Mr. Cumberland refutes the
claim of the Assyrians to the description of refugees. What else are
they? Up to the present, some have unsuitable land; at least 15,000
have no land at all; they were driven from their country during the war
and many promises but no definite plans for either settlement or
status, have been made to them, at least till last Autumn, or why a
conference at Geneva about their future last October? Refugees they
certainly remained until a few months ago, and what they are at the
present moment I do not know.}

^{"It cannot be denied that these
people have rendered us good service during the past fifteen years, and
while not closing one's eyes to the immense difficulties of the
situation, the little we have done for them in return will in later
years not be of the brightest memories of British colonial policy."}

^{Mr. Cumberland, on his way to Kurdish
villages, always put up with the Assyrians and the sudden change of
attitude is probably a reward for the Assyrian hospitality. During the
massacre of the Assyrians, Dr. Petros was removed to Takrit in the
Baghdad Liwa so that he might not witness and report the horrors
committed by the Iraq army and Mr. Cumberland was being harassed by his
"Arab honest friends" and had to be withdrawn to Baghdad.}

^{Captain Philip Mumford in his lecture
before the Royal Central Asian Society dealing with Kurds, Assyrians
and Iraq has made the following statements (Reproduced from the Journal
of the R.C.A.S. vol.xx January 1933.) In introducing him the Chairman
(Lt.Col.Sir Arnold Wilson in the chair) referred to Captain Mumford as
one who had been for seven years intelligence officer in Iraq and was
in a position to speak on this matter from personal knowledge.}

^{"The Assyrians, numbering some 40,000
are in an alien country owing to their participation on the side of the
Allies during the war. Half of their number are or will be homeless
while the remainder are scatter throughout the north and their future
safety is a matter of grave concern to all those who have interested
themselves in their welfare.}

^{"During the past ten years the
Assyrians have served the British in the Iraq levies and have been
under active service conditions on some fifteen occasions. They have
served us well, but this service has increased their unpopularity in
the country of their adoption. Failing further safeguards and some hope
for the satisfactory settlement of the remaining 13,000 of his people,
the Mar Shimun, their leaders, has threatened to take them out of Iraq
and throw them upon French or other protection.}

^{"The Kurds as already stated number
some 500,000 and are concentrated in the mountainous areas in the
north. They have always concentrated in the mountainous areas in the
north. They have always been hostile to the idea of being placed under
an Arab government as, although Moslems, they are racially,
linguistically and temperamentally different from the Arabs.}

^{"Are they and the other minorities
satisfied with their prospects?"}

^{"This question was answered quite
definitely when the Anglo-Iraq Treaty was published in June 1930, and
they realized that British withdrawal was imminent. Petitions from all
sources were received by the Mandatory Power and by the League of
Nations, asking for further safeguards before the withdrawal of British
officials.}

^{"The decision of the League Council
in 1926 which awarded the Mosul area to Iraq was based upon the rights
of minorities. Without being unfair to the present Iraq Government, we
must face the fact that it is comprised of men brought up under pre-war
Turkish institutions, and that the Western ideas which we have brought
them û and have tried to teach them û are scarcely skin
deep and may fade as quickly as sunburn. These men have developed
ardent nationalist ideas û Arab nationalism; they fear and are
hostile to their minorities and their methods of dealing with them do
not coincide with the views and declared intentions of either the
Mandatory Power or the Permanent Mandates Commission.}

^{What has happened during the past two
years?}

^{As already mentioned, the Anglo-Iraq
Treaty governing our relations with Iraq after that country became
independent, was published in June 1930 and resulted in petitions and
future signs of unrest amongst the Kurds and others.}

^{The Kurds attempted, wisely or
otherwise, to boycott the elections due that summer. This agitation
ended in a riot, when the Iraq army fired on a Kurdish crowd. Sheik
Mahmud took this as an excuse for breaking out into open rebellion.
(Sheik Quadir Agha, the brother of Sheik Mahmmud, was amongst the
leading Kurds who were illegally detained in Sulaimaniyan and conveyed
to Kirkuk prison. Mahmud asked for a limited form of autonomy under
British protection and protested against direct rule from Baghdad under
the Arabs.}

^{It was hoped that the Arab Government
would be able to deal with the situation unaided, but it soon became
obvious that owing to the depth of Kurdish feeling and the inefficiency
of the Arab army, this was out of the question.}

^{The Royal Air Force had to bear the
main brunt of the operations and the bombing of villages was
unavoidable if the rebellion was to be crushed; even so, it was eight
months before Mahmud surrendered.}

^{But more was to follow. There was
another Kurdish chief powerful enough to cause the Iraq Government much
uneasiness, Sheik Ahmad of BarzanàHe was, however, attacked by
the Iraq Government early last winter. The attack was a failure.}

^{An Iraq army column
was therefore sent against him last spring. This also was a failure,
and consequently the position had grown very serious, especially in
view of the necessity for the Iraq Government to present a peaceful and
satisfactory picture to the League of Nations in the coming autumn.}

^{Once more the Royal Air Force had to
come to the rescue, and intensive bombing was inaugurated in Ahmad's
area with the result that he was forced to leave Iraq and give himself
up to the Turks last June.}

^{It will be seen, therefore, that
operations against the Kurds during the past two years have been almost
continuous, operations against Sheik Mahmud taking place from September
1930 to April 1931 and operations against Sheik Ahmad intermittently
from November 1931 to June 1932, being intensive from April to June.}

^{The greatest credit is due to the
Royal Air Force for the efforts which they made to carry out their
unpleasant task as humanely as possible, but the question arises
whether the bombing of villages, with its unavoidable loss of life to
non-combatants, including women and children is justified for internal
disturbance on behalf of any foreign power.}

^{Remember, the chief crime of these
Kurds was to ask for our protection or at least the fulfillment of the
promises made by our Government and the Permanent Mandates Commissions.}

^{REV. JOHN VAN ESS}

^{By David B. Perley}

^{Rev. John Van Ess differs from
Rev. R.C. Cumberland in that while the latter has exceedingly viciated,
muddled and extorted the facts about the Assyrian problem, he has,
nevertheless showed himself to know facts û he has actually lived
in the troubled area. But the former has shown himself to be amazingly
ignorant of the basic facts of that problem. He has lived in Basra
during five regimes û the regime of old Sultan Abdul Hamid, the
regime of Enver Pasha, the World War, the British Mandate and
independent Iraq. Thus, he may be said to be well acquainted with that
district (South) and its problems. Unfortunately, however, he is not so
familiar with the problems in the northern part of Iraq, such as the
Assyrian Problem, upon which he has ventured to commend in an article
entitled The Heirs of the Ages û Asia June 1935.}

^{Rev. Van Ess is now in the United
States on a Sabbatical leave. Possibly the reading public can
sympathize with him when it is realized that he must cultivate the
friendship of the Moslem Arabs of Iraq (whose missionary work is bound
to suffer were he to speak the truth) and this, even at the expense of
developing a complex of instinctively seeking to live a life of
pretense. (But that complex appears to be innate in him anyhow) He
pretends to love liberty and does everything in human power to defy and
persecute the champions of freedom; he praises truth and in his secret
heart most enjoys the friendship of cheats and murderers. "The Iraqis",
states he at the outset of the article, ' are my friends." In The
Heirs of the Ages are many fallacies which render itself as unholy
as the sermon he preached in the First Reformed Church in Passaic, New
Jersey in February 1935. A brief analysis of his article will betray
its true characterùHe told in some detail of an experience he
had in Basra, Iraq. Most of the Arabs are poor û very poor. Some
of them eat only once each day. He thought so much over the fact of his
being actually impotent to come to their help that he became delirious.
It seems that while in that state, a young Arab came to him just "like
Christ" and he is convinced that never before did he have a more
impressive picture of Christ. Rev. Van Ess went on to confess that he
was sanest while in such state of delirium and it was in that moment of
sanity that he suddenly came to the realization that he, in his
lucidity is behaving like a crazy man. I wonder if it is too much to
say that the responsibility for the misfortunes of the Assyrians in
Iraq is to be placed in a large measure at the door of such men as Rev.
R.C. Cumberland and Rev. John Van Ess! I wonder if it is too much to
say that the delusions of grandeur and desire for personal power of
such men are not the causes that are leading the noble idea of mission
to catastrophe in the East.}

^{The Assyrian refugees in Iraq are not
60,000 as he chooses to assume. They are only 40,000.}

^{They are not of the "ancient
Nestorian Christian faith" as he likes to convince himself. They are
Assyrians by reason of nationality; by virtue of religion, they are
members of the Assyrian "Church of the East."}

^{Contrary to his assertion, they did
not demand a national home. The Assyrians have a culture of their own
whose spirit is inflexibly Christian through and through. In the credo
of the Arabs however they are infidels and must consequently
be hated by the faithful. The mass of Assyrian people were
conscious of the inevitable fact that such a culture could not flourish
in an atmosphere in which brotherly love is denounced and suspicion
exalted, and therefore, they resented being absorbed in the body of a
race much inferior û militaristically and culturally û to
their own. For this very reason they demanded an Assyrian enclave
within Iraq, the practical operation of which would be to effect a
homogeneous settlement. Such an award had already been made to the
Assyrians in 1925 by the League of Nations' Frontier Commission
(Turko-Iraq Frontier, C.400 M.147, VII p.90) but in violation of this
declaration both the English and the Arabs of Iraq undertook to impose
on the Assyrians a heterogeneous settlement, if a settlement at all,
which meant national destruction.}

^{Contrary to Rev. Van Ess' allegation,
no subsidies were asked for the Assyrian leaders. Incidentally, it may
be proper to inquire here, Who are the "few Nestorian leaders" and what
was their prestige that was "threatened and slipping away"?}

^{It is also a gross untruth to say
that 500,000 sterling was applied for and secured. The gospel-truth
about the matter is that an application was made for 500,000 rupees
only and that for the construction of churches, schools-truth about the
matter is that an application was made for 500,000 rupees only and that
for the construction of churches, schools and dispensaries so sadly
lacking in the Assyrian districts. That demand was perfectly in order
as part compensation for all the Assyrians had lost in Turkey.}

^{Contrary to his contention, almost
psychoneurotic, the Assyrians were not "offered ample and fertile
lands" by the Iraq government which he calls "generous and forbearing".
Nothing could be more inherently false! In 1933, there were in Iraq
20,000 homeless Assyrians to whom no assignment of lands was made at
all. The few Assyrians that held land were constantly evicted as they
were merely tenants-at-will. These lands were "ample and fertile" in
diseases only, as it will clearly be seen from the following extracts
of a disinterested witness:}

^{"It is the worst fever area in all
Iraqà For ten months I lived on the Plain" (i.e. of Mosul where
many of the Hakkiari highlanders, this "virile Christian race", were
settles) "and saw its ravages among the civilian population and my own
Assyrian soldiers. In many villages hundred percent are suffering from
fever, and in 1921, as many as twenty-five per cent died in three
months à I submit that if the Assyrians are to be settled on the
Plain, their extermination will be just as effectiveà and one of
the oldest races in history would cease to exist."}

^{Commencing, then, with such spurious
and false premises, Rev. Van Ess proceeds to exonerate the Arabs of
Iraq of responsibility. "If blame attaches to any one", writes he, "it
attaches to the League of Nations." It is paradoxical, however, that no
one, not even the King of Iraq, ever dared make that claim. Faisal knew
that the Assyrian women and children were machine-gunned by his own
military forces, and when the news of the massacre reached him, he
suddenly fell ill and resolved to return home "in a coffin". Dr.
Wolfgang von Weisl's description is a realistic expression of the
situation in the language which follows:}

^{"The Christian Assyrians, to whom
King Faisal, the British Government, and the League of Nations had
promised, in a peace treaty signed with Turkey in 1925, territorial
autonomy, freedom from taxation, and other fine things,-promises that
were not kept,- were sinking into greater and greater misery.}

^{"This little nation, the oldest
Christian sect in the world, had fought bravely on the side of England
against the Turks and Persians, with the result that both the Turks and
Persians took vengeance on it when the World War ended. Twenty thousand
of a total population of a hundred thousand fled to Iraq to be under
English protection. About fourteen thousand remained in Persia, but
kept trying to rejoin their co-religionists in Iraq, who seemed doomed
to extinction, since the hard-hearted nationalists of Iraq had not
allowed them to form a single community, but had divided them into
villages of not more than a hundred families each, and established them
on barren soil where malaria was rampant. When the Persian tribes of
Assyrian Christians attempted to cross the Irakian border a few weeks
ago and unite with their brothers, this served as a signal for a
program of the Christians in Iraq. Hundreds of men, women and children
were killed.}

^{"This was too much even for the
League of Nations, which had made Turkey surrender important territory
north of Mosul and given it to Iraq with the understanding that it was
to be a home for the Assyrian Christians. But this program gave many of
Faisal's opponents a welcome opportunity to dampen the sympathies that
had been aroused in Europe for this modern, friendly, elegant ruler.
The King understood this danger and decided to dispatch his best
diplomat, that is to say, himself. He hastened to Switzerland to undo
the harm that Kurdish murderers had done, and now he is returning from
this journey in a coffinà."}

^{At the conclusion of his sermon that
Sunday morning in Passaic, Rev. Van Ess made an admission to the writer
personally that "the massacre was a bad business", although he
notoriously lacked the moral courage to mention the same in The
Heirs of the Ages. What is this "lamentable consequences" you speak
of, my dear Dr. Van Ess? What your noble motive in suppressing the
expression massacre in your article? Such an action is unworthy
of any body's scholarship û not to mention theological erudition
û for it betrays the temper, not of the scientific investigator
and student, but of the dogmatist and irresponsible fanatic. Flagrant
omissions are just as unmoral as unsupported assertions, gratuitous
assumptions and fallacious points.}

^{It is now safe to say that, in view
of all this, Rev. Van Ess' conclusion that if the Iraq government's
case were better known, the sympathy, which has been excited for the
Assyrians in Europe and America, would be discovered to be not so well
founded û I say this conclusion of his is a fraud perpetrated by
one theoretically a messenger of the gospel of brotherhood and peace
upon the reading public, more especially, upon the people who support
him at home. The Iraq government did use all the available means to
make its case known, but decidedly failed for the simple reason that no
one whose life is guided by the Rule of Reason and Humanity will ever
tolerate the barbarous massacres conducted by its regular troops.}

^{A further analysis of The Heirs
of the Ages would seem inconsequential. I am satisfied to conclude
that my careful study of it, as well as the informal discussion and
street talk of my friends in America, worthy of that sacred name,
reflect a positive confidence in my irrevocable conviction that the
grotesque propaganda evidenced therein against the peaceful Christian
population of the Mar Shimun is not a course which any one with
a regard for humanity and truth would care to contemplate. No one with
a knowledge of the landmarks of the arduous struggle of the first
settlers of the New England colonies for independence and the formation
of the Constitution can make sham of the genuine business in which the Mar
Shimun is engaged.}

^{The responsibility of the League is
another matter. If it be true that nations pursue their life under the
regime of the struggle for existence in which only the strong preserve
their life and the weak go to the wall û if this primordial
struggle for existence should still hold sway, unmitigated by any
mediatorial agency, then the League as an instrument of justice is
utterly useless and unnecessary. The motivating object of the League
was to settle international affairs in accordance with natural justice
and equity. With great anxiety, then, shall we tarry to see if the
ideal foundation of "common order, common justice, and common peace,"
on which President Wilson built it, has become a mere preaching force?
It will not be surprising if upon final investigation Iraq is found to
be savage and, therefore, unfit for membership in the family of nations.}

^{CHAPTER XI: THE ASSYRIAN LEVIES AND THE
KIRKUK INCIDENT}

^{I. The Assyrian Levies}

^{The Assyrian levy was
a military force raised by His Brittanic Majesty's Government in Iraq
under British officers to maintain British authority over a wide
turbulent area, which otherwise would have meant many British lives and
much money.}

^{The Assyrians freely gave their lives
in maintaining that authority on the strict understanding that the
promises made by the British for an Assyrian National Home would be
honored. Insurrection after insurrection rising after rising were
suppressed with the help of the gallant Assyrian troops. No British
officer has served with the Assyrian levies who has not praised their
discipline, honestly, fine characters and fighting qualities. Assyrian
officers and men were totally aloof from all politics during their
fifteen years service until June, 1932, when circumstances forced upon
them by the many illusive promises of Sir Francis Humphrys to the
Assyrian Patriarch compelled them to join hands in the Assyrian
National movement. On that occasion, they notified their commanding
officer that it was their duty to their families and relatives to leave
the service to go and share their tribulations and so they gave him one
month's notice in accordance with the terms of their service-contracts.
They were, therefore, neither mutinous nor rebellious. If they were,
the first thing they would have done was to shoot down all their
British officers, as the Arabs had done before, whose government, they
knew, was delivering them to a bunch of cowards and thieves. They did
not do so; they exercised their legal right.}

^{The admission of Iraq to the League
of Nations was imminent. The Kurds were in open revolt and the
Assyrians were apprehensive of their future, once under complete Arab
domination. The troubled waters had to be cleared for Iraq. Through
extensive British bombing, the Kurdish revolt was suppressed and
British troops were transported by air from Egypt to replace the
Assyrians pending negotiations with the Assyrian Patriarch, the
Assyrian leaders and levy officers.}

^{Why should British troops be imported
into the country to guard the British aerodromes and British interests
until that time guarded by the Assyrians, when the Iraq army could have
raised û as an ally of Britain û a sufficient number of
troops from among the Arabs? The reply is perhaps very simple. On many
occasions, the British Air Officers command expressed the view that the
honesty and reliability of Arab troops is too dubious. The Air-Vice
Marshal stated that he should either have British troops or Assyrian
levies.}

^{If the British authorities in Iraq
û with all the power of the British Empire behind them û
cannot trust their ally, Iraq; how could the Assyrians have trusted the
Iraq Government to treat them with equity and justice? It was madness
to think so. Could the results have been other than tragic?}

^{Having made a mess of things and
having very little experience with the Assyrians, (like Major Hubert
Young who declared before the Permanent Mandates Commission in June
1930 that though he had been in Iraq fourteen months, yet he had had no
time to visit the Assyrians). Sir Francis sought the help of the Mar
Shimun to ease the minds of the troubled Assyrians.}

^{The Mar Shimun agreed to do so, after
consultation with the Assyrian leaders at Sar Amadiyah, on condition
that the future interests of the Assyrians would be safe-guarded after
the lifting of the mandate.}

^{Some letter written by Sir Francis to
the Mar Shimun may be of interest.}

^{No.S.P. 841}

^{The Residency, Baghdad, 18^th
June, 1932}

^{I have received your letter of the 17^th
of June, together with two copies of the petition of the Assyrian
leaders of the same date, one of which is addressed to me and the other
to the Chairman of the Permanent Mandates Commission.}

^{This petition puts forward a number
of demands of far-reaching effect and great importance and raises
issues which cannot be settled without a reference to the League of
Nations. It therefore, is quite impossible for me to give an
undertaking by the 28^th of June that the demands made in the
petition will be approved. The petition must be forwarded to the League
for consideration; and as it is demanded that the claims put forward in
it must be adopted by the Council of the League, no undertaking can be
given concerning them without the League's authority. I am forwarding
the Assyrian leader's petition at once to my government for onward
dispatch to the League and Your Beatitude may be assured that it will
receive the earliest possible consideration.}

^{In the meanwhile, your people have
everything to lose from precipitate action and since I have shown it is
quite impracticable to make a reply to the petition by the 28^th
of June, I urge you to advise the Assyrian levies to postpone the
execution of their resolution to cease serving, until such time as a
reply is received from the League.}

^{If Your Beatitude does not so advise
them, and if they persist in leaving the levies and joining the
National movement, to which you made reference in the last paragraph of
the petition, before an answer is given to you, I must warn Your
Beatitude that the Assyrians will be regarded as having offered a grave
discourtesy to the League, who will have been given no possible
opportunity to reply before your ultimatum expires. Moreover, in such
circumstances the Assyrians could not reasonably expect to obtain any
future employment in the Government services.}

^{I must ask you to send me an
immediate answer by the hand of Captain Holt. I remain Your Sincere
friend, F.H. Humphrys}

^{Comments by the author.}

^{Promises made to the Assyrians in
previous years were of far more reaching effect but they were broken.
The statement that Sir Francis could give no assurance that the demands
in the petition would be approved without the League's authority was
merely a bluff to which the Assyrians are now accustomed. If Britain's
attitude towards the Assyrians at the League was obstructive, the
League's could not have been otherwise.}

^{The demands enumerated in the
Assyrian national petition could not have offended the League which had
a certain responsibility towards the minorities. The Assyrians had seen
sufficient by now of Sir Francis' "good faith" on former sessions of
the League and were apt to look to Sir Francis' promises with grave
suspicion.}

^{No. S.O. 851, The Residency, Baghdad,
22^nd June 1932}

^Beatitude:

^{I have received your letter of the 20^th
of June by the hand of Captain Holt. There occurs in this letter the
following passages which I do not understand:}

^{"At this morning's meeting it was
unanimously agreed by the leaders that a final reply could not be given
to Your Excellency's letter with regard to the question of postponement
of the resolution of the Assyrian levies."}

^{Captain Holt tells me that he
pointed out to Your Beatitude that, if this was not in fact the final
reply he would stay in Sar Adamiyah until he obtained it. He tells me,
however that he was informed by Your Beatitude that this was the last
road of the leaders and that they refused to postpone the resignation
of the Assyrian Levies unless I accepted all their demands, except that
relating to Hakkiari by the 28^th of June. I have already
explained that it is not within my power to accept demands of this
nature, which will have to be carefully considered by my Government in
London and by the League of Nations at Geneva; nor is a representative
of the Iraq Government, since the demands involve alterations to the
fundamental laws of Iraq in regard to minorities which can only be
agreed to with the consent of the League of National.}

^{I have informed Your Beatitude that I
am unable to understand what the Assyrians have to gain by giving up
their present service, which is worth nearly a lakh of rupees a month
to them, and by disqualifying themselves for further service in the
future. On the other hand, they have a great deal to lose by such
short-sighted behaviour, which cannot fail to appear to the British
Government and people as singularly ungrateful and inopportune.}

^{I would finally point out that the
fact that an earlier petition, which was submitted by the Assyrian
leaders to the Permanent Mandates Commission last November to the
effect that it would be no longer possible for the Assyrians to remain
in Iraq after the termination of the British Mandate, is still under
the consideration of the League, makes it still more incomprehensible
that the Assyrian leaders should expect a reply to an entirely new set
of demands of the most complicated and far-reaching nature before the
petition can even have been seen by the League. In giving an ultimatum,
Your Beatitude cannot fail to realize that the Assyrian leaders are
putting themselves in the wrong with the British Government and the
League of Nations.}

^{There is nothing more for me to say
in this matter, except to express my deep regret at the unnecessary
sufferings which the Assyrians seem determined to bring on themselves.
I am making arrangement to take over the duties vacated by those
Assyrians who desire to leave and to entrust them to British troops
until other Iraqis have been recruited to replace them. But the door is
still open. I remain Your Sincere Friend, F.H. Humphrys}

^{Comments by the Author}

^{Is there in fact such a thing as
Iraqi representative? If oil interests were involved would the Iraqi
representative have a real say in the matter? Would he not do what the
creators of Sidi Faisal tell him to do? If matters were left to the
discretion of the Iraqi representative, his first demand would be to
see the last sight of Englishmen in Iraq. Do not the daily articles
written in the Iraqi newspapers suffice to justify this view? Did not
Nahi Shawkat, when Prime Minister, declare that the clauses of the
Anglo-Iraq treaty of the 30^th o June 1930 would have been
other than what they are now "if we had an army behind us?"}

^{Does Sir Francis really believe that
there are in Iraq such things as fundamental laws? What is their value?
Does not Sir Francis believe that if the fate of the minorities was
left in the hands of the League of Nations that the Assyrians would not
have been massacred?}

^{The levies to my knowledge were asked
to continue serving for another period of six months. This would have
given them some five and a half lakhs of rupees or some 42,000 pounds.
Though the offer was attractive, it was flatly refused for the Assyrian
leaders, particularly the Assyrian officers, knew what they had at
stake. They knew from past experience that this offer would not give
their families and relatives permanent peace and security for which
they had been clamouring ever since they arrived in Iraq.}

^{Sir Francis was very anxious to
settle the question of the Assyrian levies, for he was aware that the
"benevolent" Iraq government would look upon the existence of British
troops in Iraq as preliminary sign of British military occupation of
the country.}

^{High Commissioner's Office, Baghdad,
28^th June 1932}

^{Beatitude, In spite of everything
that has occurred, I am still prepared to offer following conditions
for levy service:}

^{On condition that you and the other
leaders will give a solemn undertaking not again to interfere with the
discipline of the Assyrian levies, and on condition that all ranks give
undertakings to serve loyally and truly, levies will be maintained at
present strength until an answer is given by the League to the Assyrian
petition of the 17^th of June or until the 15^th of
December, whichever is the earlier date. If, however, Levies have
definitely decided that they do not wish to serve as Basra, one company
must be reduced to allow for the formation of a company of other Iraqis
to take over from the Assyrians at Basra.}

^{On receipt of the answer from the
League, arrangements will be made to retain such men as it may be
desired to recruit for the formation of a company of other Iraqis to
take over from the Assyrians at Basra.}

^{On receipt of the answer from the
League, arrangements will be made to retain such men as it may be
desired to recruit for the forces to be formed under the Anglo-Iraq
Treaty of 1930.}

^{It is impossible for me to give you a
reply in precise terms as to what demands in the Assyrian petition will
and what will not be considered as reasonable and in conformity with
the general policy of my Government and the League. I cannot at this
stage commit myself further than to inform you that such questions as
recognition of Patriarch, land settlement, representation in
parliament, schools, dispensaries, retention of rifles and conditions
of service in the Iraq forces are recognized by me reasonable subjects
for consideration and that the earliest and most sympathetic attention
to these matters will be pressed by me on the Iraqi Government and
through my Government, on the League of Nations.}

^{You may be assured of the sincere
good-will of the British Government and myself and of our desire to do
all that is possible for the welfare of the Assyrian people. I cannot
believe that you will deliberately reject my advice to give up hasty
action and to await the decision of the League, so that these important
issues may be discussed in a calm atmosphere.}

^{I remain Your sincere friend, F. H.
Humphrys}

^{Comments by the
author.}

^{None of the above trivial requests
were supported by Sir Francis at Geneva. On the contrary, he was
obstructive in every possible way though it was he who encouraged the
Mar Shimun to proceed to Geneva and defend the case of the Assyrians.
What little trust the Assyrians had in the words of Sir Francis was not
completely lost.}

^{Sir Francis assured the Assyrians of
his and his Government's good will. That is some what true, for the
League recommended last year that an expert should be sent to Iraq to
settle the homeless Assyrians with the result that the Assyrians were
settled in graves, never to rise again. Can there be better sincere
good-will than this?}

^{The Residency, Baghdad, June 28, 1932}

^Personal:

^Beatitude,

^{I was very glad to receive your
message this evening and as requested I am sending you a signed copy of
my telegram of the 27^th June.}

^{You know that I shall do everything
in my power to help you and your people at Geneva. I will even do my
best to find a solution in regard to Hakkiari though you will realize
that this is an international question of great delicacy.}

^{All I ask Your Beatitude and the
Assyrian leaders is that they should assist me by maintaining the
levies in loyal service and the people in a calm spirit until the
decision of the League of Nations has been received.}

^{I know that I can rely on your help
in this.}

^{With my kindest regards to Lady Surma
and Your Beatituide. I was so sorry that I missed seeing her in Baghdad
owing to my illness.}

^{I remain Your sincere friend,
Francis Humphreys}

^{Comments by the
author.}

^{As I have said elsewhere, Sir Francis
has done his best for the Assyrians by deserting them to be
treacherously massacred by the very same savages against whom Sir
Francis was using the Assyrians as a weapon in his hand. His action in
fact encouraged the massacre.}

^{As regards Hakkiari, the original
home of the Assyrians in Turkey, the Turks will suspect and ultimately
reject, not without good reasons, any project put up by His Brittanic
Majesty's Government ostensibly for the welfare of the minorities. In
conversation with Hasan Basri Beg, the Turkish Consul-General,
Beyrouth, he made it quite clear that Mustafa Kamal's Government will
not favour any such scheme especially if presented by people who were
the actual cause for the present lamentable conditions of the
Assyrians. He concluded by saying, "We sympathize with the Assyrians in
their terrible plight as we know that it was solely due to foreign
instigation that they took up arms against us in the Great War."}

^{THE KIRKUK INCIDENT}

^{The people of Kirkuk are
Turcomans and Kurds and are in no way Arabs. There the Arabs are
unpopular. The reader will have observed in the earlier part of this
book how the people of Kirkuk rejected the candidature of Amir Faisal
to the throne of Iraq.}

^{On the 14^th of October
1933, Yasin al Hashimi was called to theCouncil Table at Geneva to read
his government's defence (normally written by his British advisers) in
regard to the Assyrian massacre. To partly justify the beastly acts of
his government, of which he was one of the chief instigators, he
brought up the Kirkuk incident and stated "that the riots in Mosul town
in 1923 and the incident of Kirkuk in 1924, when two companies of the
Assyrian levy had run amuck and killed fifty of the townspeople,
including women and children, had left bitter memories."}

^{It is common knowledge that an Arab
will never say the truth unless carefully examined and cross-examined.
Yasin and his colleagues are of that stock. I will not myself refute
the tale of Yasin and the Iraqi delegation at Geneva but will merely
quote official statements recorded at the time which will, prima facie,
show to an important observer how much reliance can be placed on
statements made by Iraqi delegations.}

^{Brigadier J. Gilbert Browne,
C.M.G.;C.B.E.;D.S.O; in his book "The Iraq Levies" 1915-1932, page 34,
makes the following statement as regards the Mosul incident.}

^{"àà..the natural
antipathy accentuated by different religions continued and it only
required something to start trouble. This began in Mosul. In August
1923 trouble occurred in the meat market which spread and one or two
Assyrian children were killed. No one was brought to book for this, and
the Assyrians much resented it, and talked of the Iraq Government not
administering justice in their case against Moslems"}

^{It was on Sunday morning when
Assyrian women who had gone shopping were suddenly attacked by Arab
butchers with their knives. Several women and men were wounded, in
addition to the children killed, as reported by Brigadier Browne. One
of the instigators of this beastly affair was an Arab Commandant of
police, who was later promoted to the rank of Mutassarrif. Except for
fanaticism and hatred, there was no reason for that regrettable
incident which was, as I said engineered by well-known malefactors. The
behaviour of the Assyrian levies was highly commendable, as the
following letter will indicate:}

^{Reference: Air/523/159 Secret Air
Headquarters Iraq Command 14^th July 1924 to:-}

^{Colonel-Commandant}

^{Commanding, Iraq Levies, Mosul}

^{Reference you're A.L./9361.D.I.C. of
9^th July}

^{The Air Officer commanding has
already communicated with H.E. the High Commissioner on this subject
and asked that every endeavor should be made to apprehend and severely
punish the offenders concerned.}

^{The Air Office commanding notes with
great satisfaction the behaviour of the levies on this occasion and
requests that his appreciation of their actions should be communicated
to those concerned.}

^{Sd. Air Commodore, Chief Staff
Officer}

^{Brigadier Browne goes on to narrate
the Kirkuk incident as follows:}

^{'In May 1924, the 2^nd
Battalion Iraq levies was in Kirkuk, and their families with them. The
Battalion was in the process of forming a camp at Chemchemal for the
Sulaimani operations and on May 4^th only two companies and
the Assyrian families remained in Kirkuk.}

^{Already there had been a certain
amount of back-chat between the townspeople and the Assyrians, in which
the former, seeing the greater part of the Battalion moving out,
threatened to deal with the Assyrian women when they had gone. Matters
were in fact very tense. Many people in the town were in sympathy with
Sheik Mahmud.}

^{At 9:30 on May 4^th there
was a disturbance in the bazaar. An Assyrian soldier returned wounded,
after a dispute over the price of an article in a shop.}

^{Rab Khamshi Baijo went with the
Regimental police to clear the Assyrians from the bazaar.}

^{The remnant of the battalion was
ordered on parade just as they were. Captain Growdon, the police
officer, arrived t the levy camp and he and Captain P.P. King,
commanding one of the two companies left in Kirkuk, both went on to the
parade.}

^{Just as they arrived Rab Khamshi
Baijo and the regimental police returned, bringing with them two more
wounded men, and reporting that the bazaar was clear. The two wounded
men said they had been knocked down from behind with heavy or loaded
sticks during a dispute. They also said people were calling out to them
in the bazaar, Now that half of you have gone to Chemchemal, we are not
frightened of you.}

^{Captains King and Growdon explained
to the men on parade that there had been trouble in the bazaar, that it
was out of bounds for the rest of the day. That the shopkeepers, who
caused the trouble, would be arrested and tried, and that the battalion
was on its best behaviour not to cause trouble. A police piquet was to
be placed on the bridge. Other men that brought forward complaints.
Growdon and King began to go into the complaints and the parade was
dismissed.}

^{On leaving the parade ground, the men
had to pass by a Chai-Khana. Suddenly in answer to some remark by the
people inside a riot broke out.}

^{The men rushed the place and broke
chairs over the heads of the people in the Chai-Khana (coffee house).
Then a small body armed with sticks made for the bridge to try and stop
the men, and Sergeant Burgess of the police made for it in an arabana.}

^{The police piquet and the officers
attempted to force the men back from the bridge but some got over and
were fired at from the other side. This scattered them and caused
several casualties. The piquet of Assyrians on the west side of the
bridge came under fire also. A number of the men ran back to their
lines and returned with rifles and S.A.A. and firing began in all
directions.}

^{Captain King caught as many men as he
could, took them into Kirkuk Fort, where their arms were taken from
them, and they were put under guard in the cavalry magazine.}

^{Meanwhile one party had made their
way across the bridge and captured a prominent building known as the
house of Tooma, and took up their position on the roof. They could be
seen here from the Kirkuk Fort in which was Captain A.T. Miller,
Administrative Inspector (Kirkuk) with Captain King and Groiwdon.}

^{They wired off to the
Colonel-Commandant, who was staying with the A.O.C. in Baghdad. He came
over by aeroplane; the armoured cars were sent for; a message was
dispatched to Lieut.-Colonel G.C.M. Sorel-Cameron at Chemchemal; and a
wire of what was going on to Baghdad.}

^{Captain O.M. Fry of the levies was on
the aerodrome and received a message to come up at once. He made his
way under fire from the houses of Kirkuk, near the police station, over
the bridge to the House of Tooma, and after some time collected various
parties of Assyrians. He eventually got together some eighty of the
Assyrians, including three officers, and got them back to the Fort,
being fired at from the houses near the police station. Firing
continued in the town. The levies had lost five and one civilian Arab
employee. About one hundred Christian refugees had assembled in the
Fort and were kept there and rationed. The town was quiet by about 5
P.M. and at this hour a platoon of the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers
arrived by aeroplane and took over guards and patrolling.}

^{As the situation was most critical
and the feeling very bitter, the whole of the Assyrian Battalion was
marched out of the town at once, families included and caped at a place
four miles away.}

^{The Battalion remained at Chemchemal
for the present.}

^{The result of this affair was that a
court-of-enquiry was held. After this three officers and twelve men
were arrested but after the trial the three officers and two of the men
were found not guilty and nine who were found guilty were put into the
Baghdad jail.}

^{The killing of all these civilians
would not, of course, be let pass without severe penalty but it was
realized that the Assyrians had great cause of irritation and being
fired at causes these very hot-headed people to act as they did.}

^{It will be seen from the foregoing
that the statement of Yasin, as explained to the Council was far from
the truth. He merely quoted the losses of one party now mentioning the
casualties of the Assyrians who were not at fault. It was difficult to
admit the truth. The Assyrians were attacked and it was quite natural
that they would respond in self-defense. They were being attacked from
the roofs in all directions and this compelled them to take a similar
position in the house of Tooma. Yasin should be excused for not telling
the truth as he merely read before the Council (as Nuri al Sa'id did on
former occasions) what Edmonds and Co. had drafted for him to read.}

^{As soon as the news of the Kirkuk
incident reached Baghdad, the Arab deputies and high Arab officials
û the perpetrators of the present massacre û instigated the
Arabs of Baghdad to attack the Assyrians in the Gailani camp, south of
Baghdad. The arrangement made at that time were as those made in 1933;
they only differed in one respect. In 1924 there was a general outcry
to massacre the Armenians as well as those who had taken no part
whatsoever in the politics of Iraq.}

^{It would not be out of place to state
that the Iraqis distrust each other and among them there are always
intrigues and counter-intrigues. Ministers are officials and censor the
mails of each other, the secrets of which they use against each other
when out of jobs. Of their ungratefulness, there is much to say. Had it
not been for the gallant stand made by the Kurds and the Assyrians, the
Mosul oil would have been Turkish rather than Angl-Iraqi property.
These two warlike elements were promised that they would not be placed
under Arab domination and so they supported the Iraqi case against
Turkey. They were ultimately deceived.}

^{On page 110 and again on page 117 of
the British official report on Iraq Administration for the period of
October 1910 to March 1922, the then British High Commissioner gives
the following account of the services rendered by the Assyrians. The
Iraq army which was still in its childhood and when formed was no more
than a junk, could not have guarded the dangerous frontiers of Iraq
against the strong Turkish incursions.}

^{In justice to the Assyrians it must
be added that during the first three months of this year when the
Turkish attack was always a possibility, they proved their strategic
value on the Iraq frontier. In March over 2,000 enlisted in the levies
within three weeks. It is far from improbable that this instantaneous
response on the part of a people whose qualities as fighting men are
renowned was the main reason which induced the Kemalists to abandon
their projected attack. Led by British officers, they are a native
force second to none. Their quickness in picking up discipline, and
their mettle in battle has surprised and delighted all who have been
concerned with them.}

^{Throughout the past year, rumors of
an impending Kemalist attack on Iraq were persistent and after the
conclusion of the Angora-Agreement caused serious anxiety. The fact
that the headquarters of the 3^rd Division were transferred
to As'irt had without doubt grave significance; the garrison at Jazirat
ibn "Umar was strengthened and small posts placed among the frontier.
It was at this moment that the rallying of the Assyrian refugees and
their enlistment in great number in the levies, as has been recounted,
proved of signal value and as this report closes, it is increasingly
unlikely that the Kemalists can venture on an attack in force in the
immediate future. But until the conslusion of peace between the Allies
and Turkey finally stabilizes the situation, the threat from the north
cannot be disregarded while Turko-Bolshevist intrigue will continue to
be a menace to the Iraq State.}

^{What has Yasin to say about this?}

^{Capt. Gracey, whose name has become
familiar to the reader, has denied having made any promise to the
Assyrians for self-government after a successful conclusion of the war.
His promise was not of course made in writing, but it must be
remembered that he was a British Intelligence Officer and it is quite
natural to expect such a denial after a long lapse of some thirteen
years, particularly when it became quite evident that his Government
has, for reasons of policy, dishonored its many pledges to the
Assyrians.}

^{Capt. Gracey has stated that he had
attended the famous conference at Urumia to settle certain internal
differences amongst the Assyrian themselves. I fail to see how his
intervention could have possibly been asked for when Nikitine was in a
more favorable position to settle such trivial differences if any.}

^{I wonder if Gracey is in the service
of the Foreign Office, traveling under the cloak of ardent missionaries?}

^{The Assyrians do know that Gracey's
bare denial is far from being true and in support of what they had
heard, they have the following French and Russian statements which were
voluntarily made in writing early in 1934.}

^{Docteur Paul Caujole, 3, rue Lemoine}

^{Boulogne-sur Seine Boulogne, dated 19^th
January 1934}

^{(Seine) To_____}

^{In reply to your letter of 18th
January 1934.(The Assyrian Tragedy, Annamasse, Feb. 1934, pp. 15-16)}

^{I have precisely preserved as a
souvenir the conference to which you allude without of course being
able to state the date.}

^{The conference was held in Urumia in
December 1917 or early in Januay 1918.}

^{I was invited to the conference in
question and took part in it as did Mr. Nikitine, the Russian
Vice-Consul in Urumia.}

^{Captain Gracey who was acting under
the orders of the Intelligence Service came especially for the purpose
from Van, his headquarters, to encourage the Assyrians to organize
their resistance of the Turks.}

^{In the name of England, he undertook
to furnish immediately funds necessary for the payment of the troops
and non-commissioned officers. For the future, he promised the
proclamation of the Independence of the Assyrian people.}

^{Francaise du Caucase, Sd.Paul
Caujole,}

^{Ex.Medecin-Chef de L'Ambulance}

^{Basile Nikitine}

^{January 31^st, 1934}

^{Ancien Consul,}

^{29 rue George-Sand Paris (16)}

^{I certify that Captain Gracey
committed for Armenia and Kurdistan of the British Military Mission,
attached to the General Staff of the Caucasian army, came from Van at
the end of the year 1917 and held in Urumia a special meeting of the
Assyrians and foreign representatives and invited the Assyrian people
to take up arms. He solemnly promised them financial and political
assistance of his government, both during the war and after the final
regulation of the peace.}

^{Requested by Captain Gracey, I
attended the meeting in my capacity as Russian Consul and together with
the other foreign representatives. I declared that if the Assyrians
took up arms against the enemies, they could count after the war on
making them obtain their independence which they would have well
merited. Sd. Basile Nikitine}

^{CHAPTER XII: THE ASSYRIANS IN THE HOUSE
OF LORDS}

^{Human
memory is so short, particularly when it pretends to be so that I
consider it absolutely necessary to take back the reader to the
immediate past to enable him to form a correct idea of the atrocities
perpetrated by Iraqi vandals six weeks ago. These acts of extreme
vandalism were neither unforeseen nor unexpected.}

^{The British High Commissioner in Iraq
who has a new of spies throughout the country, was in a position to
know that these things were to happen. Reports sent to him by British
provincial officials of the Civil administration and the reports of the
British service officers left no doubt that a massacre unless stopped,
would take place once the predatory Arabs were left alone.}

^{Was he not aware that Sheik 'Abdul
Wajid al Haj Sukar, the influential Arab Sheik, in an interview with
Sir Kenehan Cornwallis asked the latter (when Nuri Sa'id was in power
and Yasin out of job) "if it were true that British responsibility
would end when Iraq was admitted to the League of Nations, because if
that were so, he had the intention of attacking the Iraqi capital with
his tribesmen?" Sir Kenehan, according to Sir Percival Phillips in his
article in the Daily Mail entitled, "Iraq on the Wrong Path" replied
that "Our aeroplanes would tear you to pieces."}

^{Where were those aeroplanes when the
wombs of the Assyrian women were being cut to pieces? Were their duties
and instructions merely confined to taking photographs from the air of
those horrible scenes? If not, can I conclude by other than saying that
the massacre operations were conducted with the full approval and
support of the British authorities? If English women were subjected to
these acts of barbarism, would the British aeroplanes have satisfied
themselves with taking photographs?}

^{The British High Commissioner heard
the statement of Ma'ruf al Risafi in the Iraq parliament to the effect
that ninety-five percent of the Arab population of Iraq was illiterate.
He also heard Naji Shawkat, the Arab Minister of Interior on the 19^th
of March 1932 say "Iraq was still leading the life it led in the tenth
century." While Iraqi Ministers and deputies were admitting their
inability to rule and acknowledging their uncivil manners Sir Francis
was actively declaring before the Permanent Mandates Commission that
"Iraq was fit to stand alone." Does Sir Francis who was in the country
for a few months only know the Iraqis more than themselves?}

^{Could not Sir Francis have obtained
his "honours" without betraying the Assyrians?}

^{Were not Yasin al Hashimi, Naji al
Sieaidi and Ja'far Abu Timman, the supposed three prominent Iraqi
politicians who telegraphed to the League of Nations late in 1930
rejecting their entrance into the League of Nations?}

^{Does not Sir Francis think that the
massacre could have been prevented if he had seriously warned Yasin,
Nur, Rustam Haidar, Rashid "Ali and the other malefactors that their
property which they have collected by robbery and theft would be
forfeited if the anti-Assyrian propaganda was not stopped?}

^{Does not Sir Francis know that this
same gang, headed by Faisal, were by treachery the assassinators of
Tawfig beg al Khalidi, the Muhafidh of Baghdad near the Jama'al Sarai
just as he was returning home? Were not officers of the Iraq army in
disguise who assassinated Tawfig beg?}

^{Was not this same gang of banditti,
with the help of the then Minister of Interior who assassinated the
late Salman effendi, the Jew police inspector, one of the best officers
the police department has ever had? Were the assassins apprehended? How
could they have been, as they were the highest officials in the country?}

^{Is it not the universal belief
û at least in the Arab official circles û that whoever
kills the most Englishmen in Iraq, the quicker he will win promotion?}

^{Was not the murdered of the late
Colonel Leachman at Khan Nuqtah, between Baghdad and Fallujah allowed
to return to Iraq unconditionally in 1929? Were not his sheikship
rights restored; his lands returned to him; and above all, was he not
made a deputy? Was not the picture of Colonel Leachman, the
distinguished British officer whose acquaintance the author had the
honor to make at Kut, reproduced in Al Istiqlal side by side with that
of his murderer and treated with contempt? Do the relatives of Colonel
Leachman and his many English friends know this?}

^{Is not Sir Francis aware that Jamil
al Madfa'I (at times Mutasarrif, Minister of Interior and now President
of the Chamber of Deputies) boasts of having killed British officers
most brutally and ordered the mutilation of the bodies of those who can
never rest in peace so long as their murderers enjoy the rights of
mankind which they do not merit?}

^{Does not Sir Francis know that a
certain number of the Arab deputies are the nominees of Regima al
Bombayliyyah (assassinated in Baghdad early in 1934) the friend of Nuri
Pasha in times of financial straits of the Pasha? Could he not ask
Major Wilkins to verify?}

^{I must stop pro tem reproduce
the Parliamentary Debates of the House of Lords for Wednesday, 17^th
December, 1919, Vol. 38-No. 112 official report under the title of
"Turkish Rule in Armenia."}

^{The italics here made for the easy
reference of the r eader before coming to the chapter dealing with the
massacre of the Assyrians, are mine as the phrases italicized
correspond either partly or wholly (with slight difference of
circumstances) with the arrangements made by the Iraqi knaves
beforehand to massacre the Assyrians as their former masters had done
in the case of the Armenians.}

^{TURKISH RULE IN ARMENIA}

^{The Lord Archbishop of
Canterbury rose to call attention to the sufferings of the Christian,
refugees, Armenian, Nestorian and Chaldean who are still
prevented from returning to their homes by the Turkish troops who
are occupying the districts from which they were driven, and to the
repeated declarations made by the Government that all Turkish rule
should cease in Armenia and the other districts referred to; and to ask
His Majesty's Government whether they can give any information as to
the steps taken or proposed in relation thereto.}

^{Lord Hylton}

^{The most Rev. Primate said: My
Lords, I do not think that any of your Lordships who have taken an
interest in the question relating to which I have placed a notice on
the Paper will take exception to public attention being called to the
matter at this time. We have reached a stage in what may be called
the resettlement of the world after war, when this matter, whether it
be possible or not to handle it thoroughly, as present is one of urgent
and massive importance; and it is to be handled as is well that it
should be in the public recollection what has passed hitherto
respecting it, and with what it is we really have to deal.}

^{Just three years have passed since a
remarkable Blue-Book was published in October 1916 û a Blue-book
which I venture to say if the war had not at that time absorbed
everyone's attention and retained their attention for some time
afterwards, would have had a position and a reputation unlike most of
the books which appear under covers of that colour and in that form. It
was the Blue-book giving the story of the treatment of Armenians in
the Ottoman Empire and containing a collection of documents
relating to it. The treatment of Armenians, Assyrians, Chaldeans and to
some extent Greeks is handed in some measure at least in that book and
the book is one which to any one who desires to understand the whole
question is not only essential for proper information but is
interesting from cover to cover.}

^{The appalling stories of wholesale
massacre, of expulsion of great populations from their homes under
conditions which could only be described as in most cases
slowly-dragged-out massacre, are set before us in incident after
incident, showing that what has happened on a scale so vast as is
scarcely credible in our own time, or, indeed, in any time. Everyone
who studies the subject at once begins to ask himself: are the outrages
which are here described the misdeeds of lawless ruffians who are out
of hand and incapable of knowing what mercy or humanity mean or can
they be the deliberate acts of a government itself? On that
question very large issues would necessarily turn. Unhappily the
Blue-book leaves the impartial reader in no doubt whatever as to the
answer which must be given. The Book is no mere string of incident. It
gives the coherent story of these years, introduced and supplemented
by narratives of the past and summaries of what has happened in the
present which enable us by the lucidity, the range and the clear
arrangement of the whole, to deal with that question without hesitation
and to arrive at the conclusion which is I think inevitable. No one
reading it but must be convinced, not, I will say, of the Turkish
government for dealing with these long oppressed peoples, people in
their various groups whose courage, whose loyalty to their Christian
Faith and in some cases whose industry and grit had enabled them to
hold their own for centuries in face of oppression, and poverty, and
misruile. The government decided upon a cold-blooded plan of a double
character. It was first to be a plan of quite deliberate massacre on a
large scale, and it was next to be a plan of so-called deportation from
the occupies regions which in very many cases merely meant massacre in
a deferred degree.}

^{Different regions were taken in
order. The records which are here brought to light show that there
were telegrams at the same time sent to the various parts of the Empire
so that the massacre, if it was to be a massacre, should take place
at the same time in different places. The deportations were carefully
arranged by a plan which makes it utterly impossible to suppose
that they were the acts of local governors, or local authorities, or
that they emanated from any other source than headquarters whether or
not those headquarters had an identity different from that which
belonged to the Turkish government.}

^{What took place is described in this
book by eye-witnesses. Narrative after narrative gives it in detail.
These are not for the most part the accounts of victims who had
survived; they are narratives by calm, competent, highly-skilled
observers, familiar with the country, familiar with the people and
incapable of misrepresenting what they saw. Americans, Germans û
I will note Germany very markedly û and English observers as
well. These all support, with practical unanimity the stories given by
those victims who had survived, whose records had they not been thus
supported might very unfairly have been judged as not likely to be
correctly or temperately given.}

^{The last thing I want to do is to go
over in detail horrors of this kind. I would quote just two instances
in order to give examples of the kind of things to which I refer. There
was first a policy of deportation that we speak of. I have chosen out
of an almost unlimited number of cases which one might choose, a
statement by the principal of the American college who has gone into
the whole matter with the most accurate observation and with
statistical care in regard to one particular deportation and this is
his summary of itù}

^{From the village of E}

^{The observer has not mentioned what
village it was û}

^{212 individuals set out û}

^{Set out, means of course that they
were driven from their homes with the express intention of their being
taken somewhere to be settled, were driven for the most part into wild
regions, over road of such length and under such conditions of hardship
that the survival only of the strongest of them was possible. All the
young men before that time had in every single case been taken away the
old men, the women, the children were the people who survived to be the
victims of the deportationù}

^{From the village of E 212 individuals
set out, of whom 128 (60 percent) reached Aleppo alive, 56 men and 11
women were killed on the road, 3 girls and 9 boys were sold or
kidnapped, and 5 people were missing. From the same place another party
of 696 people were deported; 321 (46 per cent) reach Aleppo; 206 men
and 57 women were killed en route: 70 girls and young women and 19 boys
were sold; 23 are missing. From the village of D a party of 128 were
deported, of whom 32 (25 percent) reached Aleppo alive; 24 men and 12
women were killed en route; 29 girls and young women and 13 boys were
sold; and 18 were missing.}

^{I have purposely taken not one of the
many accounts which give the facts in detail but a summary of that
which the observer found to be the outcome. If we remember the phrase
that "seventy girls and young men, and nineteen boys were sold" and if
we look over the page to see what that means we find, how as they
passed each town, the girls or young women were in most cases paraded
in front of the house of any Turkish buyer who chose to come and take
them for purposes described in detail, so unutterably horrible û
girls being constantly done to death by those who took them in this way
û as make the record appalling to read. That I take it is by no
means an extreme case. There are many cases where the numbers were
greater and the survivors fewer, but I have taken the one which was
testified to by so competent and cool an observer who is able to give
us figures and not to talk in any general terms.}

^{So much for the deportation part. Let
me give you one from among many that there are with regard to the
massacres. The massacres were often en route. For example great numbers
of women and girls were placed on board dump barges on the Tigris and
half an hour after leaving the bank they were thrown overboard, while
soldiers had been placed in proper positions along the banks to prevent
any of them reaching the shore. That kind of thing happened not in
twenty, thirty, or fifty cases, but û I do not say in thousands
û but certainly in many hundred of cases.}

^{This king of thing is also described
by a careful observer whose name is there û}

^{Every one of the Armenians, leaders
as well as men was killed fighting.}

^{That is, the younger men û and
when the silence of death reigned over the ruins of churches and the
rest, the Moslem rabble made a descent upon the women and children and
drove them out of the town into large camps which had already been
prepared for the peasant women and children. The ghastly scenes which
followed may indeed sound incredible, yet these reports have been
confirmed from Russian sources beyond all doubt. The shortest method of
disposing of the women and children concentrated in the various camps
was to burn them. Fire was set to large wooden sheds in Alidjan,
Megrakin, Khaskegh and other Armenian villages and these absolutely
helpless women and children were roasted to death. Many went mad and
threw their children away; some knelt down and prayed amid the flames
in which their bodies were burning; other shrieked and cried for help
which came from nowhere. The executioners, who seem to have been
unmoved by this unparalleled savagery, grasped infants by one let and
hurled them into the first, calling out to the burning mothers "here
are your lions"}

^{That is the kind of description which
occurs, not once or twice in this book. It is not some over-wrought
account by an excited observer but it is the record of really competent
people telling what they saw take place not at one spot but at many
over a region of that fertile country which is capable of better things.}

^{The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury}

^{There are not a
few men and women in this country who are able to speak as
eye-witnesses of many of these goings. Some of Your Lordships know and
have had the privilege of making the acquaintance of a lady in a high
position among the Nestorians. Surma, the sister of Mar Shimun the late
Patriarch, who is now in this country as a sort of delegate from her
people. She is able to speak with the fullest personal knowledge of
details of happenings which she herself has witnessed. Her brother, the
Patriarch, was massacred. She herself survived and the accounts she
gives, with great calmness and perfect self-control, of things she has
seen and what she knows to have happened to her sisters, cousins and
other relatives and friends, women and girls particularly, are such as
support to the full, one is only too sorry to say, the very worst
accounted which appear in the printed record.}

^{What was the result, taking it in a
large way numerically? I prefer here to take the statement of one of
these careful statistical observers who has summarized for the
Blue-book what were the results. I may be asked "Are you speaking of a
few thousands, or how many thousand?" I will read the paragraph in
which it is summarized.}

^{There is no dispute as to what
happened in 1915. The Armenian inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire were
everywhere uprooted from their homes and deported to the most remote
and unhealthy districts that the government could select for them. Some
were murdered at the outset, some perished on the way, and some died
after reaching their destination. The death-roll amounts to upwards of
six hundred thousand, perhaps six hundred more are still alive in their
places of exile; and the remaining six hundred thousand or so have
either been converted forcibly to Islam, gone into hiding in the
mountains, or escaped beyond the Ottoman frontier. The Ottoman
government cannot deny these facts and they cannot justify them.}

^{I believe that the story of these
years is really an outrage on civilization without historical parallel
in the world. I do not believe that in the wildest barbarities recorded
in history, including those of the days of Tamerlane, you would be able
to exceed if you could parallel the accounts that are here given. And
these can be as I have said, undoubtedly raced not to the outrageous
conduct of undisciplined hordes but to the deliberate plan and scheme
of a government with which you are supposed to have been on friendly
terms and in alliance for many purposes. After all the distractions
which the war has brought into the mind of men all over the world in
contemplating contemporary history, is it conceivable that we are going
to allow these facts to be forgotten; or, if we do not allow them to be
forgotten; that we are going to allow conditions to arise again during
which their repetition can be possible"(The British government has
allowed worse things to happen in Iraq) That seems to me to be a
question which ought to be and must be asked at once.}

^{Any person to whom one mentions the
subject naturally asks, "how do you explain, how do they account for
this themselves.? What answer do the Turks themselves give to a
statement of that kind as to the wholesale character of these horrible
things? To my mind hardly anything is more damning in its condemnation
that the nature of the defence which is offered. There are three
different branches of excuses given, which are summarized for us in
this book. The first is that these were rebellious people, that they
were not really loyal to Turkey's rule. We know that the Turkish rule
over them ha been for a great many years û and that it was
necessary to exercise disciplinary action in order to reduce things to
order. This is the way they put itù}

^{It was the Ottoman
government's duty to uphold public law and order. In war time measures
of this kind assume an especially weighty and pressing character.}

^{It is not that the thing is not true.
As to the next explanation, the quotations I am going to give you
would, if one could get away from the horribleness of the whole thing,
really have an almost humorous character. The Turkish governor said:
The sad events that have occurred in Armenia have prevented my sleeping
well at night. We have been reproached for making no distinction
between the innocent Armenians and the guilty; but that was utterly
impossible in view of that fact that those who were innocent today
might be guilty tomorrow. That is the second explanation. Is it
possible to conceive when officials in high places give that as an
explanation of what has taken place, that we can regard the doings in
any way except with horror?}

^{The third explanation is a deliberate
statement that it was revenge executed upon Armenians and other
Christian residents in Turkey for the fact that Armenians and other
Christians were fighting against them in Russia at that time. Here is
another quotation û}

^{Was it not human nature that we
should revenge ourselves on the Armenians at home for the injury we had
received from their compatriots fighting against us at the front in
the Russian ranks û men who had actually volunteered to fight
against us in the enemy's cause?}

^{Therefore those in their own country
were subjects of the Turkish Empire and were allied to those who in
another country were fighting against Turkey, were to be treated in the
way here described. You will notice that every one of these excuses
admits the facts. The facts as far as I know, have never been
challenged except in vague generalities asserting that they
were gross exaggerations. The facts are patent; the authors of these
misdeeds stand self-condemned as well as condemned by the opinion of
every reasonable man.}

^{It is of course difficult to know how
to deal with the question and that is a matter which is not within my
province or within my power to handle in any way at all. No one
contends that it is a very easy matter to know what ought to happen
next and hardly any one contends that we should suppress the Turk in
Asia Minor proper; that is in the peninsula west of a line running from
Samsoon in the north to Alexandretta in the south. West of that line we
admit that Asia Minor is a region under Turkish rule, and presumably it
is to continue to prevail with whatever checks or supervision are
practicable. No one suggests that they should be suppressed in their
region. But east of that line the whole conditions are entirely
different. That region has never historically belonged properly to
Turkey; is not inhabited by the Turkish races, nor are the Turks as
numerous there as are other races.}

^{When the Turkish arrangements of the
provinces there was made, I understand that the Wilayets were so
constructed and defined as purposely to make the elements contained in
them as heterogeneous as possible so as to prevent a great Christian
population growing up. The result is that the races are very mixed and
they really have no claim to the Turkish character. They are of all
kinds and sorts of races; a very large proportion of Christians, and
many Muhammadans. Though strong things have been said as to the nature
of the Kurds many observers say that the Kurds and Armenians would get
on fairly well together provided there was some control of the whole
country when the Kurds would commit the outrages which he is only to
ready to perpetuate when encouraged by the Turk. This region could get
on without Turkish rule with less difficulty than some people suppose.}

^{But whatever is the process for
mending matters, the government and the Allies have declared their
resolve quite clearly to prevent a repetition of these outrages.}

^{I do not think some of Your Lordships
and doubtless many people in the country realize what a great deal we
are doing at this moment for these Christian people. There is a great
camp outside Baghdad into which the remnant of these refugees,
Armenians, Assyrians and Chaldeans, have been collected up to the
number of 50,000 and we are paying for their upkeep and care at the
rate of 1,000 pounds a day. It is worth knowing that this country is
doing the work on this gigantic scale. We believe that for the moment
we are doing what is best for these unhappy people.}

^{But what is to happen next? û
that is the purport of my question. We have always believed firmly that
as regards America, when the war was over and the active help which
Americans gave us so strenuously during the war ceased to be necessary,
we might rely on the same spirit to help us in these matters., It is no
more our business in one sense that it is theirs, and we have a right
to substantial aid from those who have shared our responsibilities in
war and who we believe ought to share them now. My fear is that the
story of these horrors have been almost obliterated from many minds by
the incidents of the war, in which we had perhaps a more direct concern
and that they will fade into the background and be forgotten. People
will think that we ought to go on now in the way we are going and make
the best of it. I do not believe the Government will think that, but I
can imagine, and I know, that such an opinion is finding expression in
many quarters now.}

^{It has been definitely promised that
whatever flag it is which flies over these regions in the future, the
actual control must never again be in Turkish hands. I will not trouble
Your Lordships with quotations but I will give two from the Prime
Minister himself. Speaking in December 20, 1917, in the House of
Commons the Prime Minister said this û}

^{What will happen to Mesopotamia must
be left to the Peace Congress when it meets; but there is one thing
that will never happen; it will never be restored to the blasting
tyranny of the Turk. At best he was a trustee of this far famed land on
behalf of civilization. Ah, what a trustee! He has been false to his
trust and his trust and his trusteeship must be given over to more
competent and more equitable hands chosen by the Congress which will
settle the affairs of the world. That same observation applies to
Armenia, the land soaked with blood of innocents massacred by the
people who were bound to protect them.}

^{Speaking a little later the Prime
Minister said:}

^{Outside Europe we believe the same
principles should be applied. While we do not challenge the maintenance
of the Turkish Empire in the homelands of the Turkish race with its
capital at Constantinople-the passage between the Mediterranean and the
Black Sea is being internationalized and neutralized û Arabia,
Armenia, Mesopotamia, Syria and Palestine are in our judgment entitled
to a recognition of their separate national conditions. What the exact
form of that recognition in each particular case should be need not be
here discussed, beyond stating that it would be impossible to restore
to their former sovereignty the territories to which I have just
referred.}

^{I ask now, what are we to understand
as to their fulfillment? I do not believe I appeal to an unsympathetic
tribunal. I apologize for having detained Your Lordships so long but
the point raised in the questions had to be made clear; it is one which
deserves attention and must not pass from the memory of civilized
people. It is a matter of vital importance to the honour of humanity
and the good-faith and well-being of the world.}

^{The Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs (Earl Curzon of Kedleston)}

^{My Lords I do not want to stand
between the house and my noble friend Lord Bryce but I have an
engagement which compels me to go away presently. No one will dispute
the extreme gravity and the poignant tragedy of many of the incidents
which the most Rev. Primate has placed before us. He has recapitulated
from the Blue-book many of the most terrible incidents in the long
career of bloodshed, atrocity and crime which have disfigured that I
hope will be the dying days of the Turkish Empire in those parts of
Asia to which he has alluded. I need not dwell or even comment upon
that narrative which can leave but one impression on the minds of those
who are brought into contact with it. What the House will be concerned
to hear from me is what the government is going in the matter, and to
know what is the prospect that lies before the unhappy peoples of whose
sufferings we have heard so much from the Rev. Primate.}

^{I observe that in his speech the
Archbishop moved rather rapidly from Assyrians to Armenians and then
from Armenians to other Christian populations treating them, as it is
not unfair to do as a great aggregate of suffering humanity placed
under the cruel heel of the Ottoman Turk. In my reply I ask leave to
distinguish rather sharply between them because I think Your Lordships
will wish to know what is being done for each community in the
geographical area in which it is at the present moment. The most Rev.
Primate spoke a great deal about the Assyrians, variously known as
Nestorians and Chaldeans. He spoke about the remarkable lady who has
come from that race and from that country to England and with whom I
among others have had the privilege of conversing; and I may say in
passing, that a more remarkable specimen of womanhood and a lady more
competent to speak for the interesting community to which she belongs,
it is quite impossible to imagine.}

^{The most Rev. Primate told us of the
existence of this camp at Bakuba, in the vicinity of Baghdad and spoke
of the 50,000 or more refugees who have been there collected Probably
the number is in excess of what he says and is nearer 53,000 than
50,000. They have been there from the month of September or October
1918 and they consist partly of Assyrian Christians from the
neighbourhood of Lake Urumia in Persia; partly û and this is the
larger number û of Assyrians from the regions of Kurdistan; and
partly also of Armenian, 12,000 in number who are included in that
total. There, as the Archbishop correctly pointed out, we have been
maintaining them ourselves for over a year and a quarter. The cost I
think has been even greater than the most Rev. Primate anticipated. It
has amounted to 4 pounds per head per month or an aggregate of over
200,000 pounds a month which works out û I mentioned to Your
Lordships that the total period already exceeded a year and a quarter
û at 2,500,000 pounds in the year. These unhappy people in this
country have been occupied in various forms of work û namely
military work, gendarmerie, road-making, camp duties, cultivation and
so on but of course the important thing is to get them back. The
difficulty about that is manifest. In the first place those who are
Persians in origin and come from the neighbourhood of the Persian Lake
cannot go back to a country access to which is at present closed and
where no sort of security exists and for the time being the Lady to
whom the most Rev. Primate and myself have referred herself fully
realizes that repatriation to the Persian homes of these Christians is
not to be contemplated.}

^{Then there is a further difficulty.
We have no right under the terms of the Armistice to repatriate these
people to any place outside the Armistice area; in other words, we have
no right, even if we had the force (and we have not the force) to take
them back into the mountainous region of Kurdistan and obviously it
would be suicidal folly to s end them out to be waylaid and murdered on
the way. These people themselves are of course reluctant to move unless
under conditions which give them reasonable security, and as winter is
now approaching I am afraid we cannot expect to do anything substantial
until the spring. Meanwhile the administration of this camp has been
taken over by the Assyrians from the military authorities and it is
hoped that the expense will thereby be reduced to 3,000 pounds a day.}

^{Willing as we have been to pay we
have never quite been able to see why this expenditure, as indeed most
of the expenditure of the war in the East has fallen upon Great Britain
alone. Therefore we have invited France who is greatly interested in
that part of the East to bear her share of the burdens. Our policy is
quite clear. It is to get the Persian Assyrians back to their country
as soon as conditions admit it; and as regards the Assyrians who lived
before and who are willing to live again in the areas which belong to
the old Turkish Empire, either to place them in an enclave adjacent to
the territories under our control so that they may be under our wing
and within easy reach of our protection, or if we provide a home for
them in their former home lands or further afield among the Kurdish
peoples, to try to make such arrangements for them as may secure their
safe and decent existence.}

^{Here let me say that what the most
Rev. Primate said about the r elations between the Kurds and the
Armenians appears also to be true about the relations between the Kurds
and the Assyrian Christians, because the Lady who have been referred to
told me that she did not anticipate that difficulties would arise from
that cause; but the fact is that these people when not stirred up by
the Turks or by local feuds, are quite capable of getting on with each
other; indeed, the Assyrians are in many ways necessary to the Kurds
for the purposes of cultivation and otherwise. If you can arm a
sufficient number of them to act as a sort of gendarmerie to
themselves, I believe there is no reason why in the future those two
communities should not live side by side. That is the object that we
are keeping before ourselves and I hope when winter is over and spring
comes we may be able to take steps to move them back to their own
homes. So much for the Assyrian Christians.}

^{Lord Curzon goes on to deal with the
questions of the Armenians and on page 293 reverts to the declarations
made by the Prime Minister as follows:}

^{The most Rev. Primate alluded to the
different declarations that have been made at various times since we
went into the country by responsible spokesmen of His Majesty's
government. He quoted in particular two declarations made in the course
of last year or the year before by the Prime Minister. By those
declarations we stand. They have never been departed from there. They
do not express the sentiments, the aspirations or the functions of
ourselves alone. They are shared by all our Allies. And my Lords I hope
that many months-I may even go further and say that I think that many
weeks û will not now elapse before the Allied Powers in
Conference are able seriously to come to a solution of the Turkish
problem too long delayed already and bring it to a satisfactory
conclusion.}

^{Viscount Bryce}

^{àThat brings me to say a word
about the Treaty itself. The first condition of any Treaty to be made
with the Turks is that they shall entirely evacuate what is known as
Armenia. I share the view which was expressed by the most Rev. Primate
that there is no reason why a Turkish Sultan should not continue to
reign in those parts of Asia Minor where there is a majority of the
Moslem population. The Moslem population is in the large majority along
the north coast of Asia Minor, and through most parts of the central
plateau, and there a Sultan may remain and if anybody likes û if
he can obtain recognition from the Mohammadan world as Caliph û
he may remain as Caliph also. But what I believe the public of this
country will insist upon and in fact what public opinion must insist
upon when it knows the facts and realizes those facts upon which the
most Rev. Primate dwelt-the immense scale and the circumstances of
horror which attended these massacres and which have shown once again
how utterly unfit the Turk is to exercise powers over persons of
different faith and race û is that there shall be no more Turkish
rule in Armenia nor in those other regions, Chaldean and Assyrian, in
which the massacres have been perpetrated. I need only remind Your
Lordships that if you desire to have any other view of the conduct of
the Turks and the character of those massacres in addition to that
which the Blue-book presents to which the most Rev. Primate has
referred, you will find it in the book of Mr. Morgenthal, the American
Ambassador at Constantinople during the period of the massacres. He
tells us himself that he constantly went to Enver and Talaat, who are
the two chiefs of the Committee of Union and Progress and the persons
chiefly responsible for planning and carrying out the massacres. He
represented to them that the world would be outraged if those things
continued and he tried for the same purpose to enlist the sympathy of
the German Ambassador Wangenheim. He describes there how Talaat and
Enver did not attempt to conceal the massacres, did not deny what their
policy of extermination was. They did it all with a deliberate purpose;
they were supported by the other members of the Committee of Union and
progress and not a word was said amongst the Turks against these
massacres.}

^{Lord Lamington: And the Germans}

^{Viscount Bryce: Yes the Germans also
knew, but I am speaking now of Turkish opinion. Not a word was said in
Turkey or by the Committee of Union and Progress to depreciate the
massacres; and the Germans through Wangenheim absolutely refused to
interfere.}

^{CHAPTER XIII: ASSYRIANS IN PERSIA AND
MESOPOTAMIA 1918 û 1919}

^{The
following article is written by (See his letter in the Assyrian
Tragedy, Annemasse, p. 14) by Colonel J.J. McCarthy who headed the
British Military Mission to the Assyrians during the Great War. Reading
between the lines, the British betrayal of the Assyrians is
self-evident. Coming from a disinterested Englishman as it does, the
statement cannot be challenger. This statement of facts will dispel the
British Government's statements now so common that it was not they who
asked the Assyrians to fight the Turks. Whatever may be said, the Turks
do know that the British official statement is devoid of foundation.}

^{It was either before or shortly after
leaving Baghdad en route for Persia, General Dunsterville got in
communication with the Assyrians at Lake Urmia with the idea of getting
them to join force with us against the Turk. This they willingly agreed
to do provided we sent British officers to lead them as they did not at
that stage trust the had with them.}

^{It was decided to send a force of 75
British officers and Nacho's to Lake Uremia and I was appointed to
command this special mission.}

^{About this time Flying Officer
Captain Pennington flew to Lake Uremia with dispatches from our
headquarters in Hamden. I did not see these dispatches but I was well
aware that they contained confirmation of what had already been written
and to advise the Assyrians of our coming to join them. Seeing the aero
plane arrive and receiving the news that a British force was in Persia
and on the way to join them, no doubt gave the Assyrians an exaggerated
idea of our strength in Persia and a false idea of their own security.
Had they not depended so entirely on the assistance that they were to
receive from us and had Aghast Petrol (died in France in 1933) not
taken practically the whole of his armed force to take over arms and
ammunition sent on in advance by us, the Assyrians would have looked
more to their own resources and would not have depended so much on our
help.}

^{They more than held their own in many
engagements against the Turks; they had food and by nursing their
ammunition they could have held out against any likely attack from the
Turk, who was not exactly full of fight at that stage and very soon
after went out of the War altogether. Even if the worst happened and
they had been driven out of there by an overwhelming force, which was
not at all likely at that time, they could have fallen back on their
mountain stronghold and probably got in touch with British troops on
the Mogul side; they were certainly not driven out by a superior force,
but stampeded by false reports circulated by the enemy, and thinking
that Aghast Petrol had deserted them at Uremia I am sure the stampede
would never have taken place, but it must be remembered that we were a
small force, living on the country and General Guntersville had his
hands full at the time preparing his landing at Bake. His officers were
employed on various jobs and could not be recalled at the moment's
notice. There were two groups of Persian levies which used up a
considerable number of officers and Nacho's and our lines of
communication extending from Baghdad to the Caspian Sea accounted for a
great many more.}

^{We had to rely mostly on local
contractors (thoroughly dishonest and unreliable) for our transport so
that the officers for the Special mission I was to command were not
available at a moment's notice, more especially as they had to be
volunteers and specially selected,}

^{When it was known that the whole
nation was in retreat I went at once with a portion of my force with
the idea of turning back the fighting men and allowing the families to
continue to Hamada and met them retreating on a wide front, the
families on the main road, the men extended for miles on either side of
the road covering the retreat. If was therefore quite impossible to get
in touch at all with the bulk of the fighting men, being confined as I
was to the main road.}

^{Apart from being harassed by the
enemy every know disease seemed to attack these unfortunate people and
hundreds died from typhus, dysentery and small-pox and others from
exhaustion. It was a common thing to see children, still, abandoned on
the roadside, the parents probably dead. Wherever they camped for the
night the ground next morning was littered with dead and dying. What
these unfortunate people suffered few can realize. Some 10,000 were cut
off by the Turks and so far a I know have never been seen again.}

^{Eventually what was left of the
National arrived at Hamadan. All those I met in retreat had one idea
and one idea only and that was they were going to Hamadan where they
would join up with British force promised them and return at once,
drive out the Turk and reoccupy their country.}

^{This is precisely what they all had
in their minds.}

^{A few weeks later was I was raising
the Assyrian Contingent with the help of Lady Surma, the men all
thought they were returning home at once. Not only did they themselves
think so, but they were definitely told by me that they would be taken
back under British officers and that I was to command them. Surely
there cannot be any doubt and I am sure that nobody holding any
responsible post and on the spot at the time would dispute the fact
that this is what was intended when the fighting men were formed into a
contingent, placed in a separate camp outside Hamadan where they
underwent strenuous training under British officers and were fed and to
a certain extent clothed by us.}

^{I sent an office to Teheran to buy
back rifles and ammunition which had been sold in the bazaars by the
Russian troops. All this was not done and these men were not being
trained for the defense of Persia.!}

^{Again when it was decided to march
the contingent down to Mesopotamia the men were told by me that it was
only to have them properly trained and equipped and to be armed with
all British rifles instead of the various pattern rifles they had and
which would have made it impossible to keep them supplied with
ammunition should they meet with armed resistance when returning to
their homes or after they got there.}

^{It was never even suggested that they
should be kept in Mesopotamia and used for the defense of the country.
They were of course eventually used for that purpose and greatly
distinguished themselves in the fields on several occasions.}

^{I remained in command of the Assyrian
Contingent at Baqubah for six months after the Armistice was signed and
during the whole of that time the men were kept in strenuous training.
It was explained to them that the reason for their being trained as
soldiers long after the War was over was in order to make them more
efficient not only to escort their people back to their own country,
but also to be better able to defend themselves when they got there.}

^{This was the explanation given me at
G.H.Q. at Baghdad. This they understood and never have any troops been
more amendable to discipline than these Highlanders from Tiyari and
Tkhuma. The British officers who were seconded from various regiments
for service with the contingent could not speak too highly of them.}

^{The presence of the Assyrians at Lake
Urmia right up until they stampeded certainly helped to prevent enemy
agents from going backwards and forwards across Persia to the East and
during the latter part of 1918 they were a great protection to General
Dunsterville's lines of communication between Kermenshah and Hamadan
and had we been able to join them at Urmia with a stiffening of British
officers and machine guns there is little doubt but that we should have
been able to hold Baku against the Turk. In view of the fact that
recent amendments to the British Arms Regulations legalized the
retention by the Assyrians of their British Army Pattern Rifles and
also as it was added that neither His Majesty's Government nor that of
Iraq would object to their going to Syria or elsewhere if their hosts
acceded to their desires and defrayed expenses and the fact that the
French Government did allow them to remain and fed and lodged them it
is difficult to see what offense they committed that they should be
declared Rebels and deprived of the rifles to which they were
legally entitled.}

^{As Doctor Wigram points out in his
book "Cradle of Mankind" life is hard in the Hakkiari Mountains, all
cultivation is on terraces which are subject to constant danger of
destruction by floods and avalanches. It therefore does seem that the
only object the Turk had for acquiring this country was to deny it to
the rightful owners. They cannot possibly have any other use for it.}

^{It has been suggested that an
arrangement should be made to settle the Assyrians as a whole in Syria,
but I understand that while the French government is prepared to
receive a certain number of them they cannot accommodate the whole
nation or what is left of it. To divide the people in this way (the
author entirely agrees with this view) would be most unsatisfactory and
it is extremely unlikely that Mar Shimun and his people would agree to
it. Nor would it add to British prestige in the East if we allow the
French Government to relieve us of our responsibility and settle this
question for us. Whatever happens they should be settled as a
homogeneous unit and not as suggested by the Iraq Government
interspersed among their enemies or in Syria. If it should prove
impossible to affect a homogeneous settlement the Mandates Commission
hoped that Turkey might be induced to give them back their home in
Southern Hakkiari district of which they had been deprived by an
"error" in the League Council's decision of 1925 and this would appear
to be the right solution to the problem. England should face the
position and bring pressure to bear on theTurks or even compensate them
to give back Hakkiari to the rightful owners or alternatively to settle
the Assyrians as a homogeneous unit under their Patriarch, in
Kurdistan, as it was thought that they would bury the hatchet and live
peacefully with the Kurds.}

^{Loyalty to the British Government
caused these people to be driven out of their house and an error in the
League Council's decision of 1925 deprived them of the right to ever
return. The Mandates Commission of 1931-1932 having admitted that these
people have a special claim upon the League. It seems impossible that
the British Government will allow the matter to stand where it is at
present, but will doubtless make every endeavour to have their country
restored to them as promised in 1918.}

^{(Signed) J.J. McCarthy Lt. Col. Late
Commandant Assyrian Contingent Devonshire Club. St. James Street, 17^th
November 1933.}

^{CHAPTER XIV: THE ASSYRIANS BEFORE THE
LEAGUE OF NATIONS IN 1932}

^{All
written representations of the Assyrians in Iraq to the League of
Nations having failed to produce a reasonable solution of the Assyrian
problem due to the persistent obstructive attitude of His Britannic
Majesty's Government at Geneva and in view of the verbal and written
encouragement of Sir Francis Humphrys to the Mar Shimun that:}

^{You know that I
shall do everything in my power to help you and your people at Geneva.
All I ask Your Beatitude and the Assyrian leaders is that they should
assist me by maintaining the levies in loyal service and the people in
a calm spirit until the decision of the League of Nations has been
received. (Sir Francis' letter of June 18, 1932.}

^{The Mar Shimun at the specific
request of all the Assyrian leaders decided to travel to Geneva at the
people's expense to place the Assyrian case û seriously
misrepresented in the past û before the League in person and
moreover to ascertain whether or not the last promise of Sir Francis
would not be broken as on former occasions. There was no necessity for
such a test; the immediate past spoke for itself.}

^{During his visit to Mosul in 1931 Sir
Francis promised the Assyrians all conceivable support at Geneva if
they left matters in his hands. The Assyrians û though by now
tired of these empty promises û placed their confidence in the
word of Great Britain's representative and awaited patiently for his
return from Geneva or for the news that the press agencies might convey
to them. They were utterly surprised to discover in the minutes of the
Permanent Mandates Commission for June 1931, which were broadcast in
Iraq, a most venomous and vengeful attack on the Mar Shimun by the same
man who promised support û a discourteous and unheeding attack
û that left no doubt in the minds of the Assyrians that a grave
danger was confronting them.}

^{The purpose of Sir Francis
unjustified attack was to undermine the prestige of the Mar Shimun
among the Assyrians following which the collapse of the Assyrian
organization would be a matter of months. This policy meant the
extinction of the Assyrians as a Race. Sir Francis' plan was a complete
failure. The Assyrians far from being affected by Sir Francis' virulent
attack became more attached to the Mar Shimun about whom their
aspirations centered and with whom they were prepared to die û
rather than shoulder the Arab yoke.}

^{Nuri's overtures to the Mar Shimun at
Geneva to persuade him to withdraw his complaints against Iraq met with
persistent refusal. Sir Francis was reminded of his promises made in
"good faith" but his replies as usual were intolerably vague and
evasive.}

^{The Assyrian case went up before the
Council of the League of Nations in accordance with the official
procedure and here again difficulties emanating from behind the scenes
intervened.}

^{Extracts from the discussions that
took place should be of interest to the reader and I am of the opinion
that they have a direct bearing on the massacre that followed. These
will be found at the end of this chapter.}

^{I do not share the view of those who
say that the League of Nations is partly responsible for the horrors
that have taken place. The members of the Council of the League and
particularly the Permanent Mandates Commission admitted that they had
no direct means to insure the safety of the Iraq minorities unless
someone with plenary power was on the spot. They knew that they were
dealing with a very backward and fanatical State, and that according to
its teachings all means are lawful to reduce the non-Moslem to the
state of bondage. They wee aware that it was the duty of Great Britain,
rather than theirs, to protect the minorities û or at least those
of Iraq û and it was its repeated assurances to do so that
influenced their action in abandoning the minorities. The League is a
visionary body which cannot be reasonably expected to shoulder
responsibilities which others were willing to take. In the case under
review, Britain shouldered the responsibility and the League û
though admittedly reluctant û was willing to throw the
responsibility on Britain. The League could not have insisted more than
it did on the necessity of practical protection of the minorities nor
could it have refused the admission of Iraq to the "Holy Place". The
admission of Iraq in 1932 was cut and dried since 1929 as Britain had
undertaken since that date to admit Iraq unconditionally, provided Iraq
was prepared to sign a Treaty of Alliance before admission, which would
safeguard the British interests in Iraq. Iraq signed the Treaty under
conditions to be explained hereafter. Britain inundated the League of
Nations with flowery reports on the fitness of Iraq. The High
Commissioner in a secret circular to all the British provincial
officials conveyed to them the principles by which they should be
guided in order to facilitate the acquisition of this coveted Treaty.}

^{A British officer who had been in the
country for many years was bound by his duty to come in daily contact
with all classes of people (whose experience was necessarily much wider
than the High Commissioner issuing the circular) did not hesitate to
offer the following remarks: "Have never seen such balls in my life."}

^{There was the fear that the Iraqi
extremists and intriguers (the majority of whom are such) would prevent
the passing of the Treaty by the cabinet and the parliament., It was
therefore arranged with the King of Iraq that he should be proclaimed a
dictator with a cabinet appointed by him in consultation with the
Mandatory Power. Resolutions of the cabinet were to be executed after
agreement with the British officials. The Advisor of the Ministry of
Interior accordingly issued orders to the Administrative Inspectors to
be prepared to take over direct charge of their respective divisions in
accordance with his instructions which had the approval of the King.
The reason was that the British policy was being opposed by even the
most moderate people like Sir 'Abdul Muhsin beg al Sa'dun. It was most
unfortunate that "Abdul Muhsin beg should have committed suicide
casting a shadow of tragedy over the Sa'dun family. Parenthetically may
we say that this, a spirited altercation between Major Hubert Young and
"Abdul Muhsin Beg at Qasr Kadhim Pasha and 'Abdul's self-destruction on
the same day, are no mere inconsequential sequence of events.}

^{There was a complete silence as to
what the terms of the new Treaty would be. The Kurds became restive and
the other minorities began to feel apprehensive. Sir Francis became
terribly occupied in answering letters of the leaders of the Christian
minorities, other than the Assyrians whose case was "Special" assuring
them that their interests would be safeguarded û though omitted
in the Treaty û by the League of Nations when the Iraqi case went
up before the League. His answers were typical of those in possession
of Mgr. Yusuf Khayyat, the Syrian Catholic clergyman û a
Christian deputy until 1932.}

^{Mgr. Berre, the Papal Delegate sent
in his protests on behalf of the Roman Catholics. No sooner did Mgr.
Berre take a public attitude in defending the rights of the Christians
than his postal communications with Rome were placed under censorship
and on six occasions he discovered that his letters were destroyed. He
lodged an official complaint with Major Wilson, the Administrative
Inspector, who as usual acted as a post letter box. His untimely death
late in 1929 at Mosul greatly weakened the case of the followers of
Rome who were left alone undefended. Mgr. Berre's death was a severe
blow to the Christians for the blunders committed by his successor
clearly indicate that a bright future does not await the Christians in
that part of the world.}

^{A.VI/P.V.3. 1932}

^{LEAGUE OF NATIONS}

^{THIRTEENTH ORDINARY SESSION OF
THE ASSEMBLY}

^{SIXTH COMMITTEE}

^{PROVISIONAL MINUES.}

^{Of the Third Meeting
held on Saturday, 1^st October, 1932 at 10 A.M.}

^{Chairman: M. Lange}

^{Note: The
comments contained in parentheses are mind.}

^{The Chairman: Iraq had
subscribed to a declaration whereby it had entered into the
undertakings required by the Council in regard to the protection of
minorities.(Who would see that this declaration is honoured? The man
who signed this declaration on behalf of Iraq had, before presenting it
to the League, announced in Parliament on the 5^th of May
1932 that this declaration would not in any way alter the attitude of
the government toward minorities.)}

^{Sir Denys Bray (India) The
admission of Iraq as a member of the League would be sincerely welcomed
in India. (Is that all?)àHe hoped that the manner in which Iraq
dealt with her admittedly difficult minorities would stand forth as a
worthy and lasting example to other countries both in Asia and in
Europe. (I am sure that other civilized countries would not like to
follow the example of Iraq given to the world in August 1933)}

^{M. Dollfus
(Switzerland)àand that country's application for admission to
the League was a very welcome occurrence at a time when confidence in
the League's work was undergoing a severe test. That was why he
attached very great importance to the assurances given by the Mandatory
Power in regard to the protection of racial and religious minorities in
Iraq.}

^{(How do these assurances tally
with the statement of Mr. Arthur Henderson, British Foreign Minister,
when he said that "when Iraq is admitted to the League British
responsibility would be no more and no less than any other power in the
League of nations"?) In this respect he felt that he was speaking not
merely for his own country but for public opinion throughout the world.
In particular, the League would follow with intense interest and
solicitude the future of that Assyrian Nation which after being driven
from Turkey to Persia, had finally settled in Iraq; even then its
troubles had not been at an end. It had for instances been settled in
villages abandoned by the Kurds which villages the Kurds had then
re-occupied. The Assyrians were in a sense stateless, had suffered
greatly from malaria and the nature of the regions}

^{granted to them was not
over-hospitable. Public opinion demanded the fullest guarantees for the
protection of these Christian minorities.}

^{Viscount Cecil of Chelwood (United
Kingdom) was confident that Iraq was fully able to fulfill her duties
as a member of the League. It should be noted that the admission of
Iraq constituted a precedent (a very bad one indeed). The most
elaborate precautions had therefore been taken and every aspect of the
question had been most carefully examined (the massacre took place only
ten months after this declaration). He could assure the delegates of
Switzerland that the closest attention of the League and of the British
Government had been paid to the question of the Assyrian minority. This
point had in fact been specially submitted to the Foreign Office and
British authorities in Iraq. (Did the latter authorities truly
represent the Assyrian case?) Only after the fullest enquiries and on
the strength of specific assurances (I suppose assurances of the Iraq
Government with whom I could not venture to entrust a cow) had the
British come to the conclusion that the entry of Iraq into the League
as a sovereign State would be to the advantage not only of Iraq but
also of the Assyrians. (Too high a logic for me to comprehend). He
could further assure M. Dollfus that the very best land available had
been given to the Assyrians. (Why then infant mortality at times 100
per cent?) The problem of land had not been an easy one to solve
(Cherchez the Arab official.}

^{Obviously the League, after the
admission of Iraq, could not continue to supervise the situation of
minorities in a direct manner. (That is exactly why we maintain that
the League has not and cannot have the least responsibility for what
has taken place). He personally was convinced that Iraq would deal
fairly not only with her Assyrian minority but with all her minorities.
(Past history of Iraq would challenge this statement). It should be
noted that the minorities' declaration accepted by Iraq was the most
stringent that had ever been drafter. (Very truly, but on paper only).
If anything went radically wrong with the League could take action but
personally he was sure that nothing of that kind would occur. (But we
told you this would occur) Iraq was anxious to show that she was worthy
of the confidence placed in her and her record had really been a good
one. (Should have said a really bad one)}

^{C.770.1932.VI}

^{C.P.M.. 1930 (3)}

^{Geneva, November 14^th,
1932}

^Iraq

^{Communications from the Assyrian
population forwarded in connection with the termination of the
mandatory regime in Iraq and referred to in the Council's decision of
September 24, 1932.}

^{Opinion of the Permanent Mandates
Commission.}

^{à.The Permanent Mandates
Commission,}

^{Having examined the petitions from
the Assyrian community in Iraq}

^{Which have been forwarded to the
League of Nations since the Commissions twenty-first session.}

^{Having noted the observations of the
United Kingdom Government on those petitions and heard the additional
information given orally by the representative of that Government.}

^{Endorsing the attached conclusions
of its Rapporteur,}

^{Draws the Council/s special
attention to the great importance both for the Assyrians themselves and
for Iraq of providing the Assyrians with opportunities for settlement
in a homogeneous group which would satisfy their economic needs.}

^{For the rest, it considers for the
reasons stated in its Rapporteur's conclusion that there is no need for
it to submit to the Council any other special recommendation in regard
to those petitions.}

^{Conclusions of the Rapporteur
to the Permanent Mandates Commision}

^{From a
comparison of the documents analyzed above and of the numerous
petitions previously addressed to the League by Assyrian groups or on
behalf of the Assyrians of Iraq there arises a definite impression that
this community is dissatisfied with its present lot and profoundly
uneasy as to its future. A few discordant voices in this concert of
complaints and appeals to the League only emphasize its practical
unanimity.}

^{It should not however be inferred
û as the Commission has already pointed out on other occasions,
while expressing the concern with which it views the position of the
minorities û that either Mandatory Power or the Iraq authorities
are open to grave reproach for the manner in which the Assyrians
settled in Iraq have been treated under the mandatory system.}

^{Among the Assyrians of Iraq the
greater number who have come from Turkey into Asia have found shelter
in this country in the course of the last few years. They are encamped
there in conditions, which, in most cases are precarious and miserable:
they are refugees.}

^{They have had to be settled on land.
In fact, these mountaineers have been settled in districts consisting
of marshy and unhealthy plains, or dispersed in small groups or
families in the midst of the Kurdish or Arab population.}

^{In the petitions which the Commission
has had to deal with as its previous sessions, we find an expression of
the feeling of insecurity inspired in the Assyrians, not only by
climate with the casualties which it causes in their ranks, by the
sterility of the land which has been assigned to them and by the
precariousness of their rights to cultivate the soil but especially by
the scattering of their community among populations of other races.}

^{It is this latter circumstances which
explains these individual acts of violence, these attacks against
persons and property which the Assyrians have constantly complained of,
and which they fear û since the cessation of British control has
appeared imminent û will be multiplied to the point of making the
conditions of existence of their community definitely intolerable.}

^{The root cause of the state of unrest
revealed by the petitions we are dealing with resides in the fact that
it has not yet been possible to collect the Assyrians of Iraq into a
homogenous group in a region suitable to their needs.}

^{Your Rapporteur is inclined to think
that as long as this has not been done the discontent and moral
dissidence of this section of its population will remain like a thorn
in the flesh of Iraq. This opinion seems to fall in with that of the
government of the United Kingdom when it states that "the return of the
Assyrians to their old homes in the Hakkiari mountains would still
undoubtedly be the best solution."}

^{It has not been proved to the
satisfaction of an impartial observer that lands combining the
requisite conditions for the settlement of the Assyrians in a
homogeneous group do not exist in Iraq, or that the possibility of
re-settling them in their country of origin must be definitely ruled
out. It would be desirable for the Council of the League to use its
influence in favour of one or other of these solutions being sincerely
sought.}

^{We share the confidence of the
government of the United Kingdom in the part which the Assyrian element
is destined to play in Iraq but we are inclined to believe that the
Assyrians would be still more unlikely to remain loyal subjects if they
were placed in conditions more closely approaching to those which they
had been led to expect in view of the circumstances to which they draw
attention.}

^{àA modification of the
northern frontiers of Iraq as defined the Council's decision of 1925
and in the provisions of the Angora Treaty of 1926 suggested in the
second petition could only take place as a result of an agreement
between the States concerned. Such an agreement might constitute a
satisfactory solution and be sought by Iraq should it be found that
there was no territory in Iraq itself which was suitable for the
settlement of the Assyrians as a homogenous group.}

^{As regards the future status of
minorities in Iraq, which is also dealt with in this petition, it has
already been defined and guaranteed by the declaration recently signed
by the Iraqi government on the recommendation of the Council of the
League of Nations. This declaration makes it open in future to the
Assyrians, as to the other minorities in Iraq to resort to the ordinary
procedure in the matter of the protection of minorities.}

^{Report Presented to the
Permanent Mandates Commission by Mr. Orts, Member of the Commission,
Rapporteur}

^{The signatories of the
petitions of October 20^th and 23^rd 1931, assert
that it will be impossible for them to live in Iraq after the
withdrawal of the Mandate. They therefore ask that arrangements be made
for the transfer of the Assyrians in Iraq to a country under the rule
of any of the Western nations, or if this is not possible, to Syria.}

^{The Government of the United Kingdom
replied in its observations that if the French government or any other
European government were prepared to offer the Assyrians compact
accommodation (once the Assyrians are out of Iraq it is no longer a
concern of the United Kingdom government) to guarantee them fair and
permanent conditions (presumably same as in Iraq) and to finance their
transport and if the Assyrians themselves desired to accept the offer,
neither the Mandatory Power nor the Iraqi government would object.}

^{Such a contingency however seemed so
remote that the United Kingdom Government did not think it expedient to
take any steps in the matter. (Why? Are there in mind more military
expeditions against the Kurds? Give the Kuirds their national rights
and then there will be no necessity to use the Assyrians against their
friendly neighbours to maintain a "balance of power")}

^II

^{LEAGUE OF NATIONS}

^{SIXTY-NINTH SESSION OF THE
COUNCIL}

^{C./69^th Session/P.V. II.}

^{Eleventh Meeting (Public) Held on
Monday, December 5^th 1932 at 4 P.M. President: Mr. Connolly}

^{à.M. Marquis Theodoli
thanked the Council for giving him an opportunity to expound briefly
the reasons for the grave apprehensions felt by the Permanent Mandates
Commission for the future of the Assyrian refugees in Iraq.}

^{On the outbreak of the war the
descendants of that ancient race had been living in the mountains of
Kurdistan. About 30,000 had perished in the defense of their homes or
succumbed on the road to exile. The disaster had broken up families,
severing wives from their husbands and children from their parents. The
survivors were not dispersed in Russia, Persia and some 35 and 40
thousand of them in Iraq.}

^{For many years the fate of those in
Iraq had constantly preoccupied the Permanent Mandates Commission in
consequence of the appeals and complaints which in the form of
petitions the Mandatory Regime had enabled them to bring to the notice
of the League.}

^{The Mosul Commissions; Report
testified to the faith reposed by these unhappy people in the League.
Their entire attitude had moreover shown their unbounded confidence in
the United Kingdom as mandatory for Iraq.}

^{As the Mosul Commission had observed
at the time of the 1925 inquiry, all Christians had pronounced in
favour of the allocation of the Mosul Wilayet to Iraq, since that in
their view meant they were placing themselves under British protection.
The Assyrians indeed did not fail to recall the belief in which they
had been upheld that the British Mandate over Iraq would last for not
less than twenty-five years.}

^{They had had full confidence in the
Mandatory Power and had unreservedly placed their fate in its hands.
Throughout the duration of the Mandate these refugees had furnished the
recruits for the Assyrian Levies which had been the most trustworthy
auxiliary force at the Mandatory Power's disposal in the country, and
had for twelve years maintained order on the Iraqi frontiers and
preserved their integrity wherever they were menaced.}

^{That had been the position right down
to the announcement of the forthcoming cessation of British control
which had caused deep perturbation among the Assyrian community in
Iraq. From that time petitions had flowed into the League.}

^{The petitions which by its decision
of September 24^th last on the eve of Iraq's entry into the
League, the Council had instructed the Permanent Mandates Commission to
examine, represented a last appeal to the solicitude of the League and
likewise of the former Mandatory Power. Had not indeed the latter
stated, through its accredited representative to the Permanent Mandates
Commission, THAT IN RECOMMENDING IRAQ'S ADMISSION TO THE LEAGUE IT
REGARDED ITSELF AS MORALLY RESPONSIBLE?}

^{The Permanent
Mandates Commission's report was before the council and showed that in
the Commission's opinion there was some justification for the
apprehensions felt by the Assyrians in Iraq for the future of their
race.}

^{Experience moreover had shown that in
Iraq racial and religious prejudices still held sway. He would merely
mention the case of the Bahai sect in Baghdad, WICH SOME YEARS
PREVIOUSLY HAD BEEN THE VICTIM OF A DENIAL OF JUSTICE WHICH HAD NOT YET
BEEN REPAIRED, notwithstanding THE RECOMMENDATIONS RENEWED BY
THE COUNCIL ON FOUR SEPARATE OCCASIONS;}

^{There was in the conclusion of
the Commissions' report one proposal, viz. Drawsàspecial
attention to the great importance both for the Assyrians themselves and
for Iraq of providing the Assyrians with opportunities for settlement
in a HOMOGENEOUS GROUP which would be in keeping with their
tradition and would satisfy their economic needs.}

^{In the Commissions view û and
he would urge this point particularly û THERE WAS NO OTHER
SOLUTION FOR THE POLITICAL SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROBLEM WHICH WAS THE
CENTRAL POINT IN ALL THE ASSYRIAN PETITIONS.}

^{It was by reason of the grave
character of the matter before the Council that the Chairman of the
Permanent Mandates Commission had decided to draw the Council's
particular attention to this question. ON THE SOLUTION FOUND TO IT
MIGHT DEPEND THE FUTURE OF THE REMNANT OF A CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY IN THE
EAST.}

^{M. Massigli (France) speaking
as French representative, willingly}

^{assented to Mr. Bene's proposal:
(formation of a sub committee). The past glories and present
misfortunes of the Assyrian people gave it so strong a title to the
solicitude of the Council that the latter could not but associate
itself with the anxieties which had given rise to the discussion and
which had found expression both in the Mandates Commission's report and
in the statement just made by its Chairman. Further, the very special
character of the case before the Council must be plainly recognized,
and the Rapporteur had not failed to draw attention to it. Means must
be found for putting an end to a problem with which the Council had
been previously concerned following on reports from the Mandates
Commission at the time when Iraq was still in a state of tutelage. M.
Massigli expressed his satisfaction that the Council would continue to
be able to avail itself of the Mandates Commion's advice in solving
this problem.}

^{That being the case, he would merely
put forward the hope that the Council Committee which it was proposed
to set up would speedily bring their work to a successful conclusion.
He desired also to emphasize the importance of the Assyrian people's
recovering as soon as possible the feeling of security which was one of
the conditions for its development.}

^{Sir John Simon was very glad
on behalf of his government to give his willing adhesion to the
Rapporteur's proposal, which seemed to him, under the circumstances to
be the best way of dealing with this matter. All members of the Council
felt the greatest anxiety to secure the best mode of treatment for this
very difficult case. This ancient people with its great traditions and
now very reduced in numbers, left their homes in Turkish Kurdistan and
they were the survivors of the Assyrian nation who found their way as
refugees into Russian territory. The United Kingdom, in view of its
responsibilities in that area, was very well aware of their
difficulties, and had shown in a very practical way its interest in
their fate. (For the United Kingdom had interest in the Assyrians).
This people were housed, fed and clothes for years (one year) at the
expense of the United Kingdom Government and although the latter were
not responsible for their entry into the War on the side of the Allies,
they had continually given the best assistance they would which
undoubtedly was needed. (Were not the Assyrians in need of this
assistance when they were being massacred in August 1933 in Iraq?) It
so happened that the Mosul boundary as decided by the Council did not
include as the United Kingdom has suggested the district on the Turkish
side from which many of these refugees came. (Sir John Simon refers to
Hakkiari. The British Government's aim by asking the inclusion of that
region in Iraq was not in my opinion primarily for the explicit good of
the Assyrians. The Turk must not be in the vicinity of the Mosul oil.)
Whilst not in any way challenging that decision, the United Kingdom
Government could not but view with gravity the present position of
these people.}

^{M. Biancheri gladly
supported on behalf of the Italian government M. Benes' proposal to set
up a Committee of the Council to consider the question of the Assyrian
communities in Iraq. At the same time he expressed the hope that the
question would be settled as soon as possible and that the solution
would be such as to allay the apprehensions of the Assyrians. This
would be in the interests of Iraq itself, whose development and
progress were followed by the Council with keen sympathy.}

^{M. Andvord accepted the
resolution proposed by the Rapporteur and stated that the Norwegian
Government attached great importance to the satisfactory solution of
the question. It concerned the fate of a people which had been sorely
tried for many years which was justified in counting on the realization
of its hopes and whose only object was to live in peace.}

^{M. Von Weizsacker said that
the remarks made by the various speakers proved the interest taken by
the Council in the fate of the Assyrian community settled in Iraq.}

^{He associated himself with the
Rapporteur's proposal and hoped that it would be possible to find a
method which would be acceptable to the Iraq government and in keeping
with the legitimate aspirations of a community which might rest assured
of the Council's great sympathy.}

^{M. Benes thanked his colleagues for
accepting his proposal. The question was a grave one and involved the
moral responsibility of the Council and the League. The Council was
found to settle this question to the satisfaction of all concerned.
That was perfectly feasible.}

^{LEAGUE OF NATIONS}

^{C.69^th
Session/P.V. 14}

^{SIXTY-NINTH SESSION OF THE
COUNCIL}

^{FOURTEENTH MEETING (PUBLIC)}

^{Held on Thursday, December 15, 1932
at 4:15 P.M.}

^{President: Mr. Sean Lester}

^{Presented: All the representatives of
the Members of the}

^{Council and the Secretary-General;
The United Kingdom was represented by the Hon. A. Cadogan; France by
Mr. Massigli; Germany by V. Von Wiezsacker; Italy by Mr. Biancheri;
Japan by M. Nagacka; Norway by Mr. Lang; Poland by Count Raczynski}

^{Below is an extract
from the resolution passed by the Council of the League of Nations at
the above meeting on the recommendation of the Committee of Three
referred to in the former discussions. It should be remarked that all
the members had stated that a homogeneous settlement was the only means
by which to make the Assyrians feel secure. Through pressure brought to
bear on the Committee of Three, the question of homogeneous settlement
was changed into that of homogeneous units, an expression that allowed
the Iraq government to disperse the Assyrians which resulted in an
exodus to Syria. The relative part of this resolution was this:}

^{Notes with
satisfaction the declaration by the representatives of Iraq of the
intention of the Iraq Government to select from outside Iraq a foreign
expert to assist them for a limited period in the settlement of all
landless inhabitants of Iraq including Assyrians and in carrying out of
their scheme for the settlement of the Assyrians of Iraq under suitable
conditions and, so far as may be possible, in homogeneous units, it
being understood that the existing rights of the present population
shall not be prejudiced.}

^{The Mar Shimun who was
then in Geneva naturally felt very perturbed at the sudden change
because his many years' experience of settlement schemes left no doubt
in his mind that the resolution, unless so altered as to be harmonious
with its original tenor that was intended, and carried out under the
auspices of the League, would be disastrous to his people. To discharge
the duty he owed his people he addressed the following note to the
League of Nations, which I repeat verbatim for its historical character
and for pointing out to those who sold the honor of their wives and
daughters for mundane interests.}

^{Geneva, December 16, 1932}

^{His Excellency,}

^{President, Permanent Mandates
Commission,}

^{League of Nations, Geneva}

^Sir:

^{I beg to bring the following petition
before Your Excellency.}

^{As the Assyrian petition dated the 17^th
of June 1932 and subsequent petition dated 22^nd of September
1932 were both addressed to you and the procedure followed with regard
to them consisted of a consultation of the Mandates Commission as if
Iraq was still considered to be under Mandatory Regime in so far as the
question of Assyrian refugees was concerned, I most respectfully beg to
submit the following for your kind consideration and favourable
disposal.}

^{The resolution passed by the Council
of the League of Nations on the 15 December 1932 is not in conformity
with the spirit of the recommendations set forward by Your Commission
from time to time and does not in any way guarantee the least hope not
only for the future welfare and safeguard of the Assyrian as a whole,
i.e. in the way of a homogeneous settlement in Iraq, but not even for a
quick way for urgent relief work for the 15,000 Assyrians who are now
living without homes and utterly destitute in Iraq. The conditions
under which this part of the Assyrians are at present living are fully
explained in the appendix of my letter dated 3^rd November
1932, which replies to observations made by Iraqi government to
Assyrian petition dated 17^th June 1932. (see note B. on
numbers unsettled)}

^{Thus after having personally
represented the case of my people before you and the members of the
Council for a period of three months in every way that has given you
the most authentic information of their past and present pathetic
state, I am returning and I have to give them the message that they are
still to continue under the same state of suffering.}

^{Excellency, I again beg leave to
repeat that the resolution of the Council adopted on the 15^th
of December 1932 will not in any way better the present miserable
conditions of the Assyrians in general and especially those in Iraq. It
is an admitted fact that the Assyrians are still refugees in Iraq whose
problem the late mandatory power has failed to solve and therefore that
problem was left to the League of Nations. At the same time it is
inconceivable how this problem is practicable to be solved by a
"foreign expert" who is not authorized by the League of Nations itself
directly and who will simply depend on the facilities given to him by
the local authorities on the spot and any local funds that may be
forthcoming.}

^{In my opinion a solution of the
problem cannot be formed if the carrying out of any plan is entirely
left to discretion of Iraqi Government and the "foreign expert"
appointed to it.}

^{I therefore implore Your Excellence
to be so kind as to approach the Council of the League and obtain their
consent to the following points:}

^{That their decision of the 15^th
of December 1932 may be reconsidered in the light of full
recommendations of your Commission and the needs of the Assyrians as
already laid down before it, i.e. granting a full homogeneous
settlement under the auspices of a Commission of the League of Nations
after completion.
If however, a full alteration of the Council's
resolution is impossible, I still request that its decision may be
modified as follows:

That instead of a "foreign expert" appointed
by the Government of Iraq, a member of the League of Nations from a
disinterested party be appointed for the work fully authorized by the
League Council to make the project of a homogeneous settlement
operative in so far as it will not be prejudicial to the present legal
possessors of the land. Moreover in this connection I beg to point out
that, if the scheme is entirely left to the Iraq Government even in its
financial aspect, it will never be operative, since that government has
already admitted that "no funds are available for further settlement
operations" (vide reply from H.E. Nuri Pasha to the Assyrian petition
addressed to H.E. the British High Commissioner in Iraq, Letter
No. 3083 dated 2^nd August 1932, printed as appendix VI)

In conclusion I beg to add that I have
discharged my duty in this respect before the late mandatory power and
the League of Nations to my utmost and if the Council will, still in
spite of this my humble and last request in the name of my people,
refuse to consider their last decision, the consequences will be
inevitable disaster, unparalleled in the history of this remnant of the
Assyrian nation and the Oldest Christian church.
If Your Excellency is not the competent
authority to deal with this petition, I would be most grateful if you
would kindly pass it to the authority concerned.
I have the honour to be,
Sir, Your Obedient Servant. Sd.Eshai Shimun, By the Grace of God,
Catholicos Patriarch, of the Assyrians}

^{SECOND BOOK}

^{THE FINAL
BETRAYAL OF THE ASSYRIANS}

^{"We have seemed by the
abandonment of the Assyrians and Kurds to sacrifice our very
honour"ùSir Henry Conway Dobbs, C.B.E.,K.C.S.I.,K.C.M.G, K.C.I.E.}

^{Formerly H.B.M's High
Commissioner for Iraq (From Sawt al Iraq of March 3 ,1933. His lecture
at a meeting of the Royal Empire Society, February 15, 1933 at the
Hotel Victoria, London.)}

^{His premature death on
May 30, 1934 at his home at Cappoquin, Co. Waterford is deeply
regretted.}

^{"Fear not each
sudden sound and shock,}

^{'T is of the wave
and not the rock;}

^{'T is but the
flapping of the sail,}

^{And not a rent
made by the gale!}

^{In spite of rock
and tempest's road,}

^{In spite of false
lights on the shore,}

^{Sail on, nor fear
to breast the sea!"}

^{From
Longfellow's}

^{The Building of the
Ship}

^{CHAPTER XV: THE FINAL BETRAYAL OF THE
ASSYRIANS}

^{PART I}

^{The
signs of a long-awaited wicked plan of the Iraq Government became
self-evident when Nuri Sa'id in a letter to the Mar Shimun, Partriarch
at Geneva, invited him to go to Baghdad via Rutbah to interview Naji
Shawkat, then Prime Minister. At the same time orders were issued to
the two frontier police posts at Sinjar and Rutbah to dispossess the
Mar Shimun of his passport on arrival at either of these two places and
prevent him from entering Iraq territory.}

^{The usual arbitrary
orders, which were communicated to the frontier posts twenty days
before the Mar Shimun's departure from Geneva, were withdrawn at the
eleventh hour through British intervention.}

^{On the 19^th
of December 1932, the Mar Shimun left Geneva, arriving at Beyrouth on
the 31^st and Damascus on the afternoon of the same day. On
the 1^st of January 1933, I joined His Beatitude at Damascus
and inquired from him the result of his visit to Geneva. He was kind
enough to permit me toread the resolution of the Council of the League,
dated December 15^th 1932; at the same time explaining it to
the Assyrian clergy and to a lady who had come to Damascus to offer
their respects and obedience to the Patriarch.}

^{After a sojourn of two
days in Damascus, the Mar Shimun returned to Baghdad by the Nairn
Transport on the morning of the third of January, accompanied by his
secretary, the Rev. Deacon Emmanuel Shimun.}

^{About one hundred
Assyrian clergymen, Assyrian officers and leaders of all Assyrian
tribes had, on the fourth of January, hastened in twenty cars to a
distance one hour above Ramadi to greet the arrival of the Patriarch.
On arrival at Ramadi, the police asked the Mar Shimun to sign a
document to the effect that he would, on arrival in Baghdad report to
the Commandant of Police. On the Khir bridge near Baghdad there was an
unusual activity of plainclothesmen. The Mar Shimun proceeded to
Hinaidi where he was the guest of the Assyrian levies.}

^{On the fifth of
January he was invited to dinner by Sir Francis Humphrys. The Air
Vice-Marshall and Brigadier Browne were also present. Sir Francis asked
the Mar Shimun to use his good offices with the levies to maintain
tranquility. He no doubt knew that his betrayal would badly affect the
loyal spirit of the levies.}

^{On January eighth, the
Mar Shimun was received by the Prime Minister, who assured him of a
satisfactory settlement of the Assyrians, no doubt "if he remained in
power" with whom he said "he sympathized" The Mar Shimun was also
received by the King who reminded the Mar Shimun of the discussions
they ad at Sar Amadiyah. At that conference the King promised the Mar
Shimun a villa; a fat salary and an open door in the government
services for his immediate relatives and all those he recommended
provided he cancelled his projected visit to Geneva. On being asked as
to what the fate of the Assyrians as a whole would be, the King evaded
the question.}

^{A point which is
closely connected with the settlement of the Assyrians must be cleared
before I go any further.}

^{Major D.B. Thomson,
the English "foreign expert" appointed by the Iraq Government for the
settlement of the Assyrians, in his confidential report No.T/A/C/172
dated the 28^th of September 1933 to the Minister of
Interior, Baghdad (copies of which were distributed by the Iraqi
delegation to the International Press at a tea party at Geneva) states
on page four of his report, "Further discussion with these people
emphasized the opinion I had already formed, namely that the Mar Shimun
and his representatives had not fully and clearly explained to the
Assyrians generally his failure to win the agreement of the League of
Nations to the claims he submitted. Consequently it was felt that only
by freely and clearly explaining the true facts to the Assyrian leaders
could they be made to understand the real position of affairs. With
this end in view it was decided to have a meeting in the Mutasarrif's
office, Mosul, on the 10^th of July 1933, of all the Assyrian
tribal Maliks, Raisses and notables. At this meeting the final decision
of the League of Nations made on the 15^th of December 1932
was read and explained in its relation to the requests contained in the
Mar Shimun's petition of September 1932 and the policy of the
government regarding citizenship, land tenure, suggested area for
settlement etc. were also explained."}

^{The report of Major
Thomson, verbose and tedious as it is, is not worth recording in full,
for it is a resume and, in places a true copy of reports written during
latter years by the local officials of Mosul which are unreliable. He
admits in his covering letter to the Minister the defectiveness of his
report for he states: "I would emphasize that in the time given to me
to write this report it is quite impossible to deal as fully and
adequately with the question as I should like."}

^{Moreover, it is an
admitted fact that officials who have been years in Iraq have failed to
grasp the full significance of the Assyrian problem. Thomson could not
have achieved this in two months, stormy and cloudy as they were, or
even could have been able to form a preliminary idea of the whole
Assyrian question. He however accuses the Mar Shimun of having failed
to explain to the Assyrians his failure at Geneva. Had Major Thomson
taken the trouble to make "some inquiries" he would have found that
between the period of the 10^th to 29^th of
December 1932 thirteen articles were written by the Iraq press at the
instigation of the cabinet to publish the news of the Mar Shimun's
failure, Major Thomson had apparently relied on what vague information
the Iraq sources were inclined to place before him, and without
verifying the authenticity of such biased information, he committed his
first blunder. He probably lacked the courage to verify for he was the
servant of and paid by the Iraq government.}

^{I said that the news
of the Mar Shimun's failure was published in the Iraq press at the
instigation of the Iraq cabinet. The following example is a positive
proof.}

^{After the disturbances
at Sulaimaniyah on the 6^th of September 1930 when the Iraq
army opened fire on the Kurdish civil population the Kurds as in the
past complained to the League of Nations. The League rendered its
decision and Sir Kenehan Cornwallis addressed a note to the Minister of
Interior Jamil al Madfa'I on the 3^rd of February 1931 which
I summarize below:}

^{You know that the
Kurdish demands for an autonomous Kurdistan were rejected by the League
of Nations in view of the attitude taken at Geneva by His Britannic
Majesty's Government.}

^{The League's decision
I understand will shortly be communicated to the petitioners and to the
Iraq Government. I strongly recommend that the Iraq press be prevented
from commenting on the decision of the League lest the Kurdish feelings
be aroused. I must al put on paper my views necessary for the
pacification of the Kurds which if they had been followed at the time,
the present uneasiness would not have risen. I warned you of the
inadvisability of the premature withdrawal of Colonel Tawfiq Wahby Beg,
the Mutasarrif of Sulaimaniyah. He was however withdrawn. The local
language law for the Kurdish districts was not allowed to pass by the
Inter-parliamentary Committee without introducing into it amendments
that are objectionable to the Kurds. The Kurds are unfortunately aware
of this. An area education officer should be appointed. The number of
Kurdish police inspectors should be increased and non-commissioned
officials gazetted. A Kurdish bureau in the Ministry of Interior should
be instituted.}

^{The Minister of
Interior who had officially informed Sir Kenehan in an office note of
September 1930 that one regiment and two guns were sufficient to deal
with the Kurds as in the times of the Turks, agreed to warn the press
to abstain from commenting on the decision of the League. The other
measures taken û the Kurds prefer to be without û were of
no value for the Kurdish Assistant Director of Administration in the
Ministry was given to sign traveling bills, orders of transfers of
junior officials, etc., that were sent to him by his Arab superior to
sign on his behalf. Of the Director of Education, I have spoken under
the heading "The Kurds" and I should like to elucidate the other
crippled measures taken, but I prefer to leave that to the Kurdish
society now occupied in writing a book on Southern Kurdistan.}

^{When Salim Bazzun's
paper Al 'Alam Ul "Arabi" attempted to produce the translation of that
most able article by Fusilier, the press bureau warned the editor on
the 18^th of September 1932 that he would be liable to
punishment if he did so.}

^{Two Christians applied
for permission to open newspapers and were illegally refused. The Kurds
have a newspaper at Sulaimaniyah but the editor's articles must first
be censored. The Arab newspapers on the other hand, were at liberty to
publish as much material provided that the material was calculated to
demoralize the non-Arabs.}

^{Yet, Hasin al Hashimi
in his observations on the petitions of the Mar Shimun of August 16^th
and 30^th and September 12^th 1933 (page 4)
referring to the Iraq parliament and the press states "Both these
institutions are free and the Government is in no way responsible for
speeches in the Chamber or for articles in the press.}

^{Will Yasin Pasha
permit me to draw his attention to the vigorous protest he lodged with
King Faisal against Nuri Pasha's Government during the first quarter of
1932? (See pages 38-39 of the book "les Consequences tragiques du
mandat en Iraq") Did he not there say that the Iraq Government was
"appropriating the freedom of the press and over twenty newspapers were
suppressed"? Has there been any change since then either in government
personnel or their administrative policies? Or was that protesting
merely a maniacal maneuver to secure a job?}

^{As regards Yasin's
statement concerning the freedom of speech in Parliament, I only wish
it were true. But a people whose representatives cannot differentiate
between "ZAMILI' AND 'ZMALI' are not fit to enjoy constitutional
freedom thrust on them by Britain.}

^{ZAMILI in Arabic means
"my colleague"}

^{ZMALI in Arabic means
"my donkey"}

^{Sometimes back a bill
was to be passed by the Iraq parliament and when the time for voting
came, a deputy rose and said: "I agree with my Zmali".}

^{On the 11^th
of January, the Mar Shimun traveled to Mosul, his Patriarchal See. On
his arrival he decided to invite the Assyrian leaders to a meeting he
wished to convene on the 14^th to explain to them the
Council's resolution on the 15^th of December and obtain
their views. On the 12^th the Commandment of Police, Mosul,
in a very urgent letter No. 575 dated the 12^th of January
informed the Mar Shimun that a permit to hold the meeting was
necessary. On January 13^th the Mar Shimun deputized Mar
Yosop Metropolitan and Bishop Mar Sargis to the Mutasarrif and
permission to hold the meeting was obtained. Owing to bad weather some
leaders were unable to attend the meeting at such a short notice, but
on the 16^th all were ready with the exception of "Khoshaba"
of Lower Tiyari who was induced by the Qaimaqam not to attend.}

^{It was on this meeting
of the 16^th of January that the Mar Shimun explained the
resolution of the League. The statement made by the Iraq Government on
page 3, paragraph 3, of its Blue-book for the period of 13^th
of July 1932, to 5^th of August 1933, that "there being
reason to believe that the Mar Shimun had concealed from his followers
the results of his visit to Geneva and the decision of the Council of
the League of Nations" is fallacious. There is no doubt that the
Blue-book was written by those who normally receive their information
from spies who spend most of their time in the coffee houses and submit
fictitious reports to justify the grants made to them. The meeting held
by the Mar Shimun was public and had the government's permission for a
definite purpose i.e. to explain to the Assyrians the resolution of the
Council. In all the reports submitted by the Iraq Government to the
League, I have traced no letter from the Mosul authorities immediately
after the meeting of January 16^th to say that the Mar Shimun
had concealed from the leaders the resolution of the Council which was
made public property long before the return of the Mar Shimun to Iraq.}

^{The malicious
perversion of the truth in its Blue-Book was but a part of well
conceived but sordid scheme to spread dissension among the Assyrians
while the Mar Shimun was at Geneva. Anti-Assyrian madhabatas, which
later were discovered to carry 65% forged signatures were sent to Sir
Francis to present to the League. The remaining signatures were
collected by corruption. These madhabatas contained signatures of those
Assyrians who two months previously had begged the Mar Shimun to travel
to Geneva and defend their case. (See appendix A) A case in point would
give the reader a general idea as to the methods employed to obtain
such perfidious documents with which to pull the wool over the eyes of
the members of the League.}

^{Addunya Elias, an
Assyrian applied to Nuri al Sa'id for a job when the latter was Prime
Minister. Nuri gave him a letter to Nichola Abdul Nur who, before being
charged with embezzlement was the Director for patrol affairs. Nichola
was told to give Addunya a job on condition that he write a pro-Iraq
article. Addunya was also told that that was necessary in view of the
news of Assyrian emigration from Iraq. Nichola ( or better known as
Thabit) who had quickly risen to the title of "Excellency", but once
again an effendi drafted an anti-Assyrian article and sent it to the
press, representing to Addunya that the article contained a request for
Iraqi nationality paper without which he could not employ him. The
article was immediately published. Addunya went to present his case to
the press but no attention was given to him.}

^{Nichola is now charged
with embezzlement (probably not the first of its kind) of some two
thousand pounds from the industrial exhibition held at Baghdad.}

^{On the other hand the
Iraqi government deceived Mar Sargis and "Khoshabah" the signatories to
the petition shown in appendix A, but not without the British
officials' help.}

^{"Khoshabah" was
promised to be made "Sheik ul Mashayikh" of the Assyrians if he were to
consent to the Dashtazi settlement; his son Yusuf a student in the
military school was to be promoted to the rank of an officer; his
second son Daud was to be made a police officer; other relatives were
to have access to government posts in preference to the other
"obstinate" Assyrians; and his son-in-law Lazard was to be made Mudir
Nahiyah of Dohuk.}

^{Mar Sargis was
promised two houses; one at Dohuk and the other at Khirshainiyah. His
brother Oraham was to be made a police officer. He himself would be
given a favourable position. A sum of 800 Rupees were remitted him; and
a land case outstanding for the last four years, was to be settled to
his satisfaction.}

^{For these privileges
they were asked by the government to:}

^{Renounce the Mar
Shimun
Deny their complaints made to the
League of Nations against the Iraq government
Agree to the Dashtazi settlement a
one-eyed project
Sign documents proposed from time
to time by government officials stating that the government was
benevolent and was affording the Assyrians the best treatment.
While I pity Khoshabah for having
obliterated his past record, I can find
some justification for his
subsequent actions. û when Khoshabah who some years ago had
assassinated his wife and two children, had fled to Turkey and it was
due to the intervention of the Mar Shimun when Wilson referred the case
to him û that he was allowed to return to Iraq. This case of
homicide was left open by the Iraq authorities to use it as a weapon
against him should he at any future date denounce the actions of the
government.

For the actions of Mar Sargis
there is no justification. He should not have remained a "dead
instrument" when Assyrians of his own blood were being murdered by a
bunch of rogues.

It was under these circumstances
that the Iraq Government attempted to separate the body from the head.
The Iraqi officials of all departments ignored the Assyrian recognized
chiefs, and tried to break up in a few days only the Assyrian system of
long-ago agesùan inherited system which made the Assyrian life
an ordered whole.

The House of Mar Shimun situated
in Mahallat Shukur was surrounded day and night by a cordon of secret
police in plain clothes. The names of his visitors were reported to the
police and the Mutasarrif who were in league with the central
authorities in Baghdad, the latter place being a nest for anti-Assyrian
intrigues.

When "officially" those in power
were "sympathetic" with the Assyrians, the press on the 21^st
of January demanded the dismissal from the railways and the oil
companies of all "these Assyrian refugees" as they are a dangerous germ
in the body of Iraq."

The special report submitted by
the Colonial Office to the Council of the League of Nations on the
progress of Iraq during the period 19820-1931 recorded the following
statement on page 277:

There is little doubt that
irresponsible influences were at work, chiefly in Baghdad to make
trouble between the Assyrians and the Kurds. The object seems to have
been to divert against the Assyrians a supposed antipathy of the Kurds
to the Arabs and also to weaken both Kurds and Assyrians by applying
the maxim divide et imperia. As is described below, steps were taken to
check these manoeuvres when they came to the notice of the Iraqi
Government; but in the meantime the result had been to create an
erroneous impression that attacks upon Assyrians would not be regarded
too seriously. Cases have indeed occurred in which Assyrians were
murdered and the murderers were not traced. For example five Assyrians
were found murdered near Rowanduz in May 1930 and no one has yet been
brought to justice. Murders have also occurred in the Mosul Liwa but
many of these have without doubt been committed by bandits from across
the Turkish frontier. It should be remembered that the Assyrians have
good rifles, which offer a tempting prize to marauders.

The report goes on to say:

There have been instances during
1930 of a certain tendency to depart from previous policy towards the
Assyrians. For example objection was raised early in 19830 by the
Minister of Finance to the grant of remissions of taxation to Assyrian
settlers. The Council of Ministers when reminded of their resolution of
the 8^th March 1927 ruled that the resolution applied only to
the year in which it was passed and that proposals for the grant of
remissions for the current year must be considered on their merits. The
Prime Minister assured the High Commissioner at the time that such
proposals would receive sympathetic consideration and has recently
repeated this assurance.

There is with Major Wilkins of the
Criminal Investigation Department, Baghdad, abundant and conclusive
evidence to show that those "irresponsible persons" were as now
ministers, deputies and high administrative and police officials. The
report was cautious not to mention their names for sooner or later
those intriguers were to be in power again and the High Commissioner
must maintain cordial relations with them. The present Iraqi Prime
Minister, Rashild 'Ali al Gailani; Rustan Haidar Minister of
Communications and Works; Nuri al Sa'id, Minister for Foreign Affairs;
Yasin al Hashimi, Minister of Finance and various other agitators are
shown in Wilkins' reports as the persons conducting the anti-Assyrian
and anti-Kuirdish campaigns.
The Administrative Inspector and
the Special Service Officer, Mosul, reported to the Advisor, Ministry
of Interior and the Air Staff intelligence, Baghdad, respectively that
Tahsin 'Ali the Mutasarrif of Mosul û a disreputable man,
notoriously anti-Christian û was touring the district of Zibar in
the Barzan area personally preaching a Holy War against the Assyrians.
This Mutasarrif was acting under the direct orders of the then
Chamberlain to King Faisal, now Iraqi Prime Minister. Tahsin 'Ali,
Mutasarrif and the black-hand of Faisal and his gang on the other hand
reported to the Minister of Interior that it was Capt. Paulet King, the
special service officer who was sending arms and ammunition to Sheik
Mahmud to persist in his armed resistance against the government. A few
months later this same Mutasarrif was transferred to another liwa on
the Euphrates with an increase in pay as a reward for his good services
in the Mosul liwa.

Rustam Haidar, an emigrant from
Ra'albak, at times secretary to King Faisal and a Minister during the
Assyrian massacre, informed a correspondent of a well known newspaper
during the latter part of 1932 in Baghdad that "now that Iraq will
secure a seat in the League of Nations, the extermination of the
Christian as well a the Kurdish minorities in the Mosul Wilayet is
inevitable and is looked upon as a sacred duty of Iraq, as the
minorities must be sacrificed on the Altar of Pan-Arabism. If that
opportunity does not present itself we must find means to bring it
about."

During this period of tension when
the mandate was still being obtained, Sir Francis took no steps to
remedy the general position. This indifference led the Iraq officials
to become tenacious in their attitude. The individual murders to which
the British report refers is only a small proportion of what was taking
place. Under letter No. 350 of the 27^th of April 1930, a
list showing names of 76 persons killed was submitted to him and not
only was no action taken but he did not even acknowledge the letter.
The statement of people killed will be seen in appendix B. The official
statement that most of these murders were committed by bandits from
across the Turkish frontier has been totally dispelled under the
heading "The Chaldeans." Sir Francis' statement is based on that of the
Administrative Inspector, Mosul, who in his turn receives his
information from Iraqi provincial officials, the instigators of these
crimes and these are not expected to either send authentic reports or
attempt to apprehend the murderers. The Administrative inspector has no
means whatsoever to check the authenticity of such malicious reports
for he is the only one man charged with the administration of an area
of some 14,000 square miles containing some 314,000 souls.

While these scandals were taking
place, Sir Francis was submitting his reports to the League in praise
of the "fair-Iraqi-administration". I have not heard of such a scandal
in my life. I presume he had no time to bother himself with these
Assyrians for his time was fully occupied by the elaborate dinners
given him by Faisal and his ministers. British officers did warn Sir
Francis that the position of the Assyrian would be calamitous if
nothing were done for them before the lifting of the mandate. A high
British officer in a secret letter No. S7/34 dated the 2^nd
of August 1932, exactly two months before the admission of Iraq to the
League reported as follows:--

I regret to inform you that on the
afternoon of the 28^th last July, four Assyrian civilians
belonging to the village of Kouba near Bab Chikchik were attacked by
about 30 men led by a man named Hamza and another named Jawer Ismail
with the result that two were killed outright, one died of wounds and a
fourth wounded. The names of the killed are Baymal Yacub and Giwargis
Yacub, died of wounds, Shabu, wounded Lashkiri.

"The Assyrians were attacked when
they were unprepared for any form of hostility on the part of their
neighbours and had no time to arm themselves or call for police
assistance.

This fresh murder has caused great
unrest among the Assyrians in the neighbourhood and increases their
wish and determination to concentrate what remains of their nation in
one district.

They maintain that if members of
their nation can be murdered openly in this manner while the British
mandate is still in operation, their future extermination when Iraq
enters the League of Nations is only a matter of time"

Since 1930, there have been no
less than forty other Assyrians killed whose names are difficult to
obtain at the present moment. I must however admit that only in one
case was a murderer brought to justice and that was for political
reasons. An Assyrian Ashita priest from the village of Sarsang and two
Jews were treacherously killed. The Mosul frontier question having not
been decided, it was necessary to pursue the murderer who was executed
in Amadiyah.

The special report speaks of
remission of taxation for new Assyrian settlers but it omits
deliberately the name of the Minister of Finance, Yasin al Hashimi, who
objected to the remissions in contravention of the agreement reached
with Sir Henry Dobbs, an ex-High Commissioner in Iraq. Sir Henry had
recommended a remission of five years taxation for new settlers for two
reasons: (1) to develop deserted lands; (2) to enable new settlers to
be self-supporting. This agreement was reduced to three years, but as
soon as Yasin al Hashimi came in power he dishonored the agreement by
ordering collection of taxes from all new Assyrian settlers with
retrospective effect. This remission was not in any way a privilege to
the Assyrian; it is applied without a hitch in all other cases of new
settlers.

While the Mar Shimun was still in
Geneva, all kinds of coffee-shop rumors were reported to Baghdad to
please the Iraq officials (the only way the British officials can
strengthen their positions and have their contracts extended) who were
now after the Mar Shimun's blood so that on his return to Iraq his
position might be rendered intolerable. The following are but a few
examples:

Wilson who derives his information
from the most dishonest scoundrels report in his letter No. 862 dated
the 30^th of October 1932, that Rab Emma Giwargis Shabu and
Rab Khamshi Odishu Nathan of the Assyrian levies talk of taking a zone
by force if such is not given them. (Was not Elia the son of Malik
Khamu the informant? Was it not after Messrs. Giwargis and Odishu
having drawn their money from Elia's small bank that he commenced his
stories?) Wilson recommends that the Dashtazi land should be allotted
to the lower Tiyari and Ashita's who are peaceable inclined towards the
Iraqi Government. If the League does not accede to the demands of the
Mar Shimun, the Assyrians will proceed to Russia. Absurd"

Wilson in a secret telegram
No.S./865 dated the lst of November 1932 reports a secret meeting held
on the night of the 30^th of October which was attended by
Assyrian Bishops, maliks and levy officers but does not report what
took place. He also accuses the sons of Malik Ismail of spreading
dangerous propaganda but as usual he is unable to define the nature of
propaganda or quote definite cases.

Commandant of Police, Mosul, in
his letter 1599/11 of 4^th November 1932, reports two
Assyrian leaders Maleks Yaku and Loko of upper Tiyari and Tkhuma
touring Dohuk and Amadiyah respectively and again like Wilson, he is
unable to state the nature of their mission. Rumors of Kuirdish-Assyro
alliance were rife. Rab Khailah David D'Mar Shimun the father of the
Mar Shimun was accused of arranging agreements with the Kurds. (Rab
Khailah was deputized by the Air Vice-Marshal to visit the Assyrian
levies in those regions, which it was not difficult to verify at the
time if they knew their work better.)

On November 22^nd,
Wilson under No.S/892 reports that Khoshaba has proceeded to Dohuk and
discussed Dashtazi scheme with the Qaimaqam and Dr. Baba for the
settlement of the lower Tiyari. (Why allow goernment officials to
dabble in politics? Can it be at all doubted that the villainous Iraqi
officials were using every possible element against the Mar Shimun?
Yet, he was told not to view the government policy with suspicion?)

Wilson recommends that Khoshaba be
appointed in charge of the settlement and be given an allowance while
doing so.

Mosul authorities speak of the
resettlement of only a small paid section of Assyrians. Recognized
Assyrian leaders are threatened with imprisonment if they disapprove
the government scheme. Anti-Mar Shimun propaganda by the officials,
British and Arab, continues.

On January 21^st, Wilson
in his secret letter No. S/25 reports that he doubts if the attitude of
the Mar Shimun is entirely satisfactory. (Note the words "doubts" and
"entirely"). The Mar Shimun is accused of not having visited Wilson on
his return to Mosul and of attempting to create an anti-British feeling
among his people, an accusation obviously ridiculous in view of an
already intense anti-British feeling among the people.

Wilson states the Mar Shimun
refused to receive Khoshaba who is accused of treachery towards the
Assyrian nation. He admits Khoshaba has been assisting Iraq government
and recommends the Mar Shimun be summoned to Baghdad. He instigates
Mutasarrif to incite further accusations against the Mar Shimun and
Surma Khanim.

Under letter S/28 of the 23^rd
of January, Wilson accuses the Mar Shimun of having announced the
imminent arrival of a settlement expert. What nonsense.

Wilson on information supplied by
Khoshaba (letter S/39 of the 30^th of January) reports the
Mar Shimun has informed certain Ashita sections not to accept
settlement in the Dashtazi as this is only another trick on the part of
the Iraq government to keep them isolated amongst Kurds in the frontier
area. (Quite right too. Even a man with no eyes can see this and the
evil motives behind it). The Mar Shimun accused the British, especially
Sir John Simon and Sir Francis Humphrys (what a joke) I thought that to
abuse the British in Iraq was not considered even a misdemeanor or is
that mercy a privilege to the Arabs? Does not Wilson read the daily
Iraqi newspapers or listen to the talks in theArab Majalis? Do not the
Iraqi ministers boast of having killed British officers in Talla'far
and other places?)

Rumors of emigration of Assyrians
to Persia, Syria and Turkey continue.
Wilson in his letter S/42 of
February 1^st brings new accusations against the Mar Shimun
regarding the Ashitas based on information from Koshaba. To weaken the
Mar Shimun's alleged propaganda, Wilson suggested the Mutasarrif be
instructed to assemble the Maliks and inform them of the Iraq
government's good intentions. If the Mar Shimun persists in his
attitude, he and Surma Khanim should be summoned to Baghdad and
detained there.

Letter No. S/48 of the 7^th
of February from Wilson states: Mr. Shlaimun D'Malik Ismail reported
arrived at Dohuk on February 2^nd and was the guest of
Monsignor "Abdul Ahad. He was accused of having expressed hopes of
giving effect to Assyrian autonomy. (The report based on hearsay, is
devoid of truth).

The Iraq government suppressed
Mutasarrif Mosul's stupid letter c/28 of the 18^th of January
1933 and did not produce it in its "great Blue-book."
Anti-Mar Shimun propaganda by the
Iraqi government in Gorigawan, Kiflasin and Machlamakht villages finds
no favor.
Mutasarrif recommends action
against the Mar Shimun and the Assyrian notables.

In letter No. s/50 of the 11^th
of February, Wilson states that the Mar Shimun visited Mutasarrif and
himself on the 9^th of February as a result of Squadron
Leader Reid's visit to him. (Another English intelligence officer
disguised in missionaries' robe Zdimun Min Nwiyyi Dagal Bid Ati
Bi-lwisha-ta D'Piri Ina Mgaway Diwi Chalujina. A.Y. DeKelaita".

The Mar Shimun reported to Wilson
unconstitutional actions by Iraqi officials and quoted instances in
which prominent Assyrians had been abused by Qaimaqams of Dohuik and
Amadiyah and Wilson before inquiring into these accusations scribbed
down a note to the Minister of the Interior to say that these were
grossly exaggerated. The Mar Shimun suggested settlement of Assyrians
by tribes and not as the government desired to disperse them more than
they already had been scattered.

On February 14^th the
Iraqi Times produced minutes of the Permanent Mandates Commission
regarding the Assyrian settlement (and therefore the Iraq government's
accusations or those of Wilson and Thomson that the full position was
not explained to the Assyrians fell to the ground).

Cornwallis on February 16^th
states that the king will shortly be summoning the Mar Shimun to
Baghdad to discuss matters with him. Appointment of MacDonnell of the
late Egyptian government was proposed. The Dashtazi scheme was to
commence forthwith.

On February 18^th there
were in the press more attacks against the Assyrian employees and
attacks against Armenians for alleged offenses diverted against the
Assyrians.

February 22^nd s/16
Malik Khamo of Baz lodged information with Wilson against the Mar
Shimun if regard to the settlement. All that the Mar Shimun had
apparently said to the Assyrians was to "have patience and await the
arrival of the settlement expert." Mar Sargis, according to Wilson, is
reported to have said that had it not been for Malik Khamo, he (Mar
Sargis) would long ago have been won over to the Iraq government by
Makki effendi; Qaimaqam Dohuk.
The government instigated a "loyal
party" to submit madhabata against the Mar Shimun.

On February 25^th the
Mar Shimun was invited by the Mutasariff to attend what they called a
"Local Settlement Committee" whose functions if it had any, for all the
authority was vested in the President-Mutasarrif were pre-arranged
months before. A police official, Raphail effendi, a member of this
committee happened to be the uncle of the Mar Shimun. The appointment
of Raphail effendi, who was alleged to represent the Assyrians was
protested by the Mar Shimun for being a government official as he was
bound by duty to carry out the instructions of the government thus
injuring the interests of the Assyrians. When the Mar Shimun was
invited to attend the meeting the President, Vice-President and the
Secretary had already been appointed and everything was cut and dried
before hand. The Mar Shimun was also requested to express his views
regarding the six members the government had in view, and he could also
nominate one or two persons, but the acceptance of his views about the
six dismembers of his nominees entirely rested in the hands of the
government. The invitation was therefore a "formal one" with no legal
value in any way.

On February 28^th,
Wilson reported to Baghdad that the Mar Shimun had definitely declined
to associate himself with the work of the gewgaw-Settlement Committee.
On March 6^th the unscrupulous Mutasarrif reported that Malik
Loko "the Asssyrian Extremist" was still spreading his propaganda
amongst the Assyrians; based on his information on the reports of
Qaimaqam, Amadiyah who was already responsible for many flagitious acts
against the Assyrians.

On March 18^th Wilson
reported that he encouraged the Mar Shimun to draft a Community Law for
the Assyrians on the lines of those of other communities. It is true
that owing to the dissensions caused by the Iraq government among
sections of both the Jewish and Armenian orthodox communities, the
government enacted two laws for these two communities, but they now
curse the day they accepted those laws which deprive them of all rights
of "personal status." Those laws have enabled the government to
interfere in all their personal, family, and religious affairs. The
Iraq government has also been attempting in vain to apply similar laws
to the Catholic communities but this has met with complete refusal. The
Chaldean Patriarch, the Syrian, and Armenian Catholic Bishops, rejected
Drower's prejudicial proposals on the 7^th of May 1932 and
left his room never those him again if the government had no better
proposals.

During the Turkish days, the
Christian communities were allowed full liberty to administer their own
personal affairs.
Wilson would have done better if
he had advised the Iraq government to set her own house in order first
before advising the Mar Shimun to leave even the family affairs of the
Assyrians to the discretion of an unchivalrous government.

Mar Sargis and Malik Khamo
proceeded to Shaikhan to obtain signatures that these two were their
leaders. They failed to collect these madhabatas (March 28^th).
While government officials encourage collection of anti-Mar Shimun
madhabatas, they brand the followers of the Mar Shimun on the other
hand, as criminals for expressing their views and desires of their own
free will.

Between the 15^th and
24rd of April, Qaimaqam of Dohuk and Wilson furnished Baghdad with more
false information against the Mar Shimun, Maliks Yaku, Loko and other
Assyrians, but that information based on hearsay, contained no definite
acts of harmful activities on the part of those complained of.

On May 10^th, before
proceeding on leave, Wilson reported that the flouting of government
authority by Assyrians may be followed by attempts by the Kurds to
behave in a similar manner. To allow the Mar Shimun and Surma Khanim to
go to Sar Amadiyh in the summer would be a "fatal mistake". He
recommended that the sons of Malik Ismail should be presented from
visiting Mosul and Arbil liwas and that Rab Emma Giwargis of Tkhuma
should be removed from Mosul. These grossly exaggerated reports made in
bad faith made life for the Assyrians impossible. Had Major Wilson
satisfied himself with sending his reports to his British superiors
only, the evil would have been less. All the reports he sent to Baghdad
were shown to his Arab Mutasarrif who in turn showed them or reported
their contents to his subordinate officials and to the Arab Commandant
of the Mosul area, Bakr Sidqy who was looking for an excuse to set a
match to the fire. The Iraq government had long been awaiting the
opportunity to exterminate the Assyrians until a little while before
the protégés of the British; but it was their fear of
British intervention that forced them to refrain from doing so. On
discovering that it was now the "British Will" that the Assyrians
should be dealt with thus, the Iraq government spared no time in
finding an excuse to do so.
Early in May, Rais Skharya of
"Ainid Nuna was insulted and abused by the Qaimaqam of Amadiyah for
having visited the Mar Shimun in Mosul. This was reported by the
Patriarch to the Mutasarrif but no action was taken. At the same time
Agha "Aizaarya of Targawar, formerly an Assyrian officer now living in
Diana was sent for by the officer commanding the Iraq army in Diana,
and was told that the "army was there to deal with the Assyrians and
not the Kurds." The Army is here" the Commandant added "to have the
eyes of the Assyrians pecked out." The Iman attached to the army at
Diana warned the Moslems not to visit the Assyrians or go to their
cafes, for they were "infidels and religiously unclean."

Mosul town, the headquarters of
the Mutasarrif, is linked by telephone with all the important
administrative centers of the Liwa. It is through these lines that most
of the official instructions are passed for the mal-treatment of the
Assyrians so that no trace will be left in the official records as to
how things are pre-arranged.

Official written instructions from
the central authorities were normally conveyed to the Mutasarrifs by
means of letter. On receipt of these, the Mutasarrif repeated them to
his subordinate officials in the districts, and in all cases affecting
the Assyrians, verbal instructions were given by the Mutasarrif to his
Qaimaqams and Mudirs to disregard the official instructions and send in
unfavourable reports to the Liwa headquarters. These were transmitted
to Baghdad, duly supported by the Mutasarrif and ultimately by the
Administrative Inspector in view of the unanimity of the replies
received.

On May 12^th an
agitation was caused by an Arab officer living in Mahallat Shukur in
the same quarter where the Mar Shimun resided. The Arab officer who was
spending the night with a loose woman in company of other brother
officers reported that stones were thrown into his house and accused
the Patriarchal-family of having done it. Anyone having the slightest
knowledge of the locality and construction of the Patriarchal-House
will prima facie discredit the report. There is no doubt that the
stones if they were ever thrown were either thrown by (a) the Arab
competitors of the Arab officer or (b) by the respected Moslem Harem in
that locality. The "honest officer" is the friend of Bakr Sidqy with
whom the stone case was pre-arranged to give the Iraq army an excuse to
raid the Patriarchal-House. On the bare evidence of the complainant,
the Rev. Is-haq, the private Chaplain of the Mar Shimun (of Nochiya),
Mr. Shlaimun D'Malik Ismail, the brother of Malik Yaku; Mr. Athanasis
the son of Mr. Schlaimun, and Mr. 'Antar of Quadchanis, were at once
accused by the police of having thrown the stones.

Bakr Sidqy who three months later
was the commander to issue orders for the wholesale of the Assyrians
ordered his troops to occupy all the strategic points from "Ain Kibrit
toGhuzlani. The Arab officers in Mahallat Shukur evacuated the place.
There was left only a Kurdish officer who was deeply grieved to see the
Assyrians being victimized on the altar of Arab fanaticism. The Mar
Shimun interviewed the Mutasarrif and informed him of the preparations
that were being made for the destruction of the Assyrians by Bakr
Sidqy. The Mutasarrif as usual regretted the whole affair and
telephoned Bakr Sidqy to arrange an interview. The brave commander
replied that his time was fully occupied that day but he would
certainly arrange the interview the following day. That day never came.
As the danger was no imminent not only the Patriarchal-House but also
to all the Assyrians the Mar Shimun made complaint to Squadron Leader
Omally, the British special service officer to Mr. Moneypenny the
British Consul at Mosul and to the Air Vice-Marshal. On the 16^th
of May 1933 under the pretext of registering, the Assyrians were called
upon by the Mutasarrif and the police authorities to hand in their arms
for registration purposes despite the fact that they all held
registration permits for every rifle they had in their possession. The
plan was first to disarm the Assyrians and then attack them without any
resistance on their part. As the Assyrian levies were also accused of
the stone-case, the Air Vice Marshal traveled to Mosul and after
holding an inquiry dismissed the case as being a fabricated one. At the
same time that the Assyrians in Mosul were asked to hand in their arms,
those in Diana were asked to do the same. Due to the presence of the
Air Vice-Marshal, the non-surrendering of arms by the Assyrians and the
timely representations of the Patriarch, Bakr Sidqy did not find the
moment opportune to embark upon the scheme of massacre which had the
full approval of the higher authorities in Baghdad, but he was allowed
to remain in Mosul to conduct the massacre operations not because there
were no better officers than himself but because he was the right man
to do it.

From the police side the
stone-case was adjourned until the 23^rd of May on which date
it was dismissed. The police stationed in Mahallat Shukur for
protection of the Assyrians but in fact for surveilling and harassing
the Patriarchal-House were withdrawn on the 19^th.

In most parts of the Assyrian
settlement in the districts, the leaders were repeatedly insulted and
scorned in many ways. Before the 12^th of May, all the
Assyrian police in the districts of Zakho, Amadiyah, Dohuk and Shaikahn
were withdrawn and transferred to far places in the south of Iraq.
Those remaining in Mosul, fifteen in number, were disarmed and given
"light duties". The Assyrian soldiers in the Iraq army were treated
likewise.

While these things were going on,
the Mutasarrif was discussing the Assyrian settlement and speaking of
the good intentions of his government. It was also at this time that
the Mutasarrif suggested after Wilson to the Mar Shimun to draft a
community law. The attention of the Catholic readers is particularly
drawn to this falchion law which will in a few years compel the
Christian institutions to accept the laws of Islam.}

^{CHAPTER XVI : THE FINAL BETRAYAL OF THE
ASSYRIANS (CONTINUED)}

^{Part II}

^{It was on the 10^th
of May 1933 that Major Wilson and the Mutasarrif recommended the
summoning of the Mar Shimun to Baghdad to be illegally detained there.
The Iraq government has in publishing its Blue-Book, suppressed parts
of this and other letters to enable it to give a totally wrong picture
of the ugly atmosphere created by it and under which the Mar Shimun was
expected to cooperate. One of Wilson's letters so suppressed was as
follows:}

^{Ask the Mar Shimun to
come to Baghdad to discuss matters with the Government. Detention to
follow forthwith. This should eliminate the danger of seeing Mar Shimun
installed in his summer residents at Sar Amadiyah; the consequence of
such a move will be against the interests of the Iraqi case.}

^{In order to break up
the influence of the Patriarchal family, the Iraq government will be
well advised in increasing immediately the number (from 6 to 8) of the
Assyrian police inspectors.}

^{Immediate promotion of
Christian officers having taken part in the campaigns of the Iraq army
against Sheik Admad of Barzan. Lady Surma}

^{And Captain Yaku have
undertaken a strong anti-government propaganda among the Kurdish
tribes. It is urgently needed to invite these two persons to come to
Baghdad where they should be detained and kept under control.}

^{Make pressure on the
Patriarch to sign an official document recognizing the suppression of
his temporal power. Iraq government runs the risk of seeing the
Assyrians proposing a scheme on lands near or bordering the Syrian
frontier. All necessary steps should be taken to oblige the Patriarchal
family to accept the Dashtazi region.}

^{On May 12^th
the Iraqi press attacked strongly the British policy in Iraq stating
that as England has admitted before fifty-seven states that Iraq was
capable of independence and fit to administer her own affairs, Britain
enjoy no special international status in Iraq and that we shall under
no circumstances have the Assyrian levies, whatever the consequences
may be, for the presence of these levies is a sign of British military
occupation. The press goes on to call the Iraqi leaders to condemn the
British policy and show no leniency in achieving that end.}

^{On the 14^th,
it was stated that no Assyrian refugees should be allowed entry into
Iraq, and in order to augment the malicious feeling against the
Assyrians, more attacks were made on the 17^th against the
Assyrians employed on the railways.}

^{On May 22^nd,
the Mar Shimun was asked by the Mutasarrif to proceed to Baghdad and
there discuss with the Minister and Major Thomson the settlement
project. Though the request of the Mutasarrif was an urgent one, yet
the Mar Shimun was kept waiting in Baghdad for six days before an
interview was granted him by Hikmat Sulaiman, the Minister of the
Interior, formerly of the Turkish Union and Progress party. In Baghdad
his residence at the Young Men's Christian Association was surrounded
by a cordon of plainclothesmen. Thomson arrived in Iraq but via
Nisibin-Mosul and not in Baghdad as the Mar Shimun was given to
understand. The Mar Shimun was kept waiting despite a break in his
health and the dreadful heat of Baghdad. Like his predecessor the late
Mar Benyamin, the Mar Shimun, who was treacherously assassinated by
Simko on Persian soil, the attitude of the British authorities in
regard to Mar Eshai Shimun did not much differ from that of Simko.}

^{Before leaving Mosul
the Mar Shimun was informed by the Mutasarrif that his complaints to
the League of Nations on behalf of the Assyrian were of such a nature
that the government would never forgive his action. In other words, he
was to render an account. In Baghdad the Minister told the Mar Shimun
that the government was dissatisfied with his attitude and that he
ought to sign certain documents which the government was about to
prepare.}

^{On May 31^st,
Thomson reached Iraq and on June 1^st , the Iraq Times
notified the arrival of the settlement expert who had a six-month
contract with the Iraq government and who was, by the way, a schoolmate
of Sir Francis Humphrys. The programme given to Thomson was that he
should set himself to work and enforce the Dashtazi scheme. He
accordingly carried out negotiations with individual Assyrians in the
absence of the Mar Shimun with the result that he failed to carry out
the programme dictated to him and this was a severe blow to the
prestige of Thomson whose first steps were marked with complete
failure. Thomson admits on page five of his report to the Ministry that
he failed in his efforts with the Assyrians for he states "On
questioning the Assyrian villagers as regards their settlement, the
chief answer with few exceptions was the same, "we are refugees and
unless we are told by the Mar Shimun to settle, we remain refugees."}

^{This attitude of the
Assyrians fostered as it was by the follies of the Iraqi officials and
their ignorant advisers, was bound to lead to a deadlock. If wiser
counsels prevailed, and if it were really desired to avoid bloodshed,
the express wish of the Assyrians that the Mar Shimun should first be
set free before any business could be transacted, should have been
entertained unhesitatingly. Thomson does not state what actually
happened at the meeting held in Dohuk during which he was faced with
this Assyrian definite reply. On the advice of the Mosul authorities
Thomson summoned forty Assyrians to sound their opinion in regard to
settlement. Thirty-six out of forty told Thomson that they had already
informed the Mar Shimun of their wishes whose leaderhip they still
recognized despite the illegal actions that were being taken against
him and warned Thomson that the means he was employing would
undoubtedly fail him. The remaining four said they would agree to
whatever settlement the government proposed. These were: Ismail of the
Baz employed by the Rev. Cumberland of whose attitude I have already
spoken; Goriyyi and brother Yonan also of the Baz. They are the uncles
of Ezra effendi the Assistant Commandant of Police and Goriyyi though
loyal to the government was assassinated in August of 1933. The fourth
was Khidu of the Baz whose son was a teacher in the government school.}

^{The statement of these
four individuals who could not have declared otherwise for fear of
reprisals should not have encouraged Thomson to proceed any further
with his unsound project. He should have endeavoured to create a
healthier atmosphere before embarking upon his adventurous scheme. This
was not to be as the government was clamoring for bloodshed and it
could have found no better instrument that Thomson to bring about such
a scandal. Many English gentlemen in the service of Iraq government had
resigned their positions in the past and incurred the enmity of their
superiors when they discovered that they would not be a party to a
crooked policy. What then prevented Thomson from doing so?}

^{Could he not have
found a position that would have given him a fat salary other than by
sucking the blood of Assyrian women and children?}

^{During the Dohuk
meeting Thomson heard with his own ears Rais Piru, Rais Tailu, Rais
Zada, Rais Shimu and others of the Baz say that the four persons
mentioned above were not saying the truth. He had also on another
occasion in Mosul heard the Rev. Yukhannan of Tkhuma (Guntikta) say at
the meeting attended by Mar Sargis, Khoshaba, Malik Khamu and Chikhku
and Giwu of upper Tiyari that all those present were a bunch of liars
and to rely upon them in the proposed settlement without the Mar Shimun
would only lead to undesirable results.}

^{Such was the feeling
of the Assyrians when Thomson decided to proceed to Baghdad to discuss
on his failure matters with the Mar Shimun. On the other hand the Iraqi
officials were persisting in the policy of harassing the Assyrian
leaders and villagers. The Qaimaqam of Amadiyh prevented Malik Yaku
from visiting his own tribe and was asked for a written guarantee not
to do so. Before the tragic Mosul meeting of July 10^th, the
Qaimaqams concerned had notified the Assyrian leaders, including Malik
Yaku, that those not desirous of remaining in Iraq could leave the
country, and that the government would bear their expenses until they
left the Iraq frontier. Malik Yaku in his letter of the 22^nd
of May to Qaimaqam of Amadiyah makes these points very clear. Moreover
he informed the Qaimaqam that the Assyrians were local and had no
intention of defying the authority of the government and that the
officials should not be swayed by pervasive propaganda that was being
spread by malevolents.}

^{On May 28^th
the Minister of Interior in his letter No. c/1104 notified the Mar
Shimun that the government would not recognize his temporal power. It
is of great importance that the doubts centering round this mysterious
power should be cleared.}

^{During the Turkish
days, the Mar Shimun was recognized by successive Turkish Sultans as
theTemporal and Spiritual Head of the whole Assyrian nation. His
temporal privileges were:}

^{The appointment
of tribal chiefs to the twenty-five Assyrian tribes.
The settlement of inter-tribal
disputes in his capacity as the final resort for justice, without
reference to local authorities.
Settlement of disputes that arose
between Moslems and Assyrians.
An annual tribute (nominal) was
paid to the Sultan through the Patriarch.
The Assyrians were exempt from
conscription, particularly the independent tribes.
Settlement of misunderstandings
between the local officials and the Assyrians collectively or
individually.
The right to apply directly to the
Sultan in cases of disagreement with the local officials
All administrative matters of
subjects touching the general policy of the government affecting the
Assyrians were referred to him.

These privileges which were
recognized by the Turkish governments were enjoyed by all the Assyrian
Patriarchs until the last days of the late Mar Benyamin (and later by
the late Mar Ruwal until 1918), the uncle of the present Patriarch.
These privileges were referred to by the Commission of Count Teleki
appointed by the League of Nations. On page 90 of that Commission's
report the following reference is made:

"We feel it is our duty however
to point out that the Assyrians should be guaranteed the
re-establishment of the ancient privileges which they possessed in
practice, if not officially before the War. Whichever may be the
Sovereign State it ought to grant these Assyrians a certain local
autonomy, recognizing their right to appoint their own officials and
contenting itself with a tribute from them, paid through the agency of
their Patriarch.

The status of minorities would
necessarily have to be adapted to the special conditions of the
country; we think however that the arrangements made for the benefit of
minorities might remain a dead letter if no effective supervision were
exercised locally.

"The League of Nations
representative on the spot might be entrusted with the supervision."

Ever since the entry of the
Assyrians into Iraq in 1918 the present Patriarch did not enjoy those
privileges nor did he apply for them. The only power he had was the
respect of the people and whenever the British mandatory power or the
Iraq government were in trouble they appealed to him for help which he
was ready to give in the interests of both the ruling powers and the
Assyrians. This temporal power has never been alluded to since 1918 and
was brought in with the arrival of the settlement expert with the main
object of cutting off the Patriarch from the Assyrians in all respects.
The Iraq government has failed up to the moment of writing to quote one
single instance to show that the Mar Shimun had asked for temporal
power. There are no such instances to be quoted.

Thomson reached Baghdad and
interviewed the Mar Shimun at the residence of Sir Kenehan Cornwallis.
He said he had no executive power but was merely employed in an
advisory capacity. That is to say, the Iraq government would not be
bound by any of his recommendations though there was no reason to fear
any misunderstanding as he was only to apply the dictates of the
government from whom he received his salary.

On June 7^th, Thomson
wrote to the Mar Shimun to say that he was leaving that evening for
Mosul. In that letter he conveyed to the Mar Shimun certain discussions
which he said took place, but the Mar Shimun refuted these on the same
day in a letter he sent to Thomson. The Mar Shimum also told Thomson
that the inimical attitude of the Mosul authorities should be changed
for the better if he wanted to succeed in his settlement operations.
The Minister of Interior drafted and sent to the Mar Shimun for
signature the draft shown in appendix "E" which if signed would have
meant the death warrant of the Assyrians as a whole for ever not for
the contents of the draft itself but for the contents of the letter
which accompanied it. The Mar Shinun introduced certain alterations in
the draft letter in which he safeguarded the interests of both parties.
This the Minister refused to accept. On the other hand, in reply to the
Mar Shimun's letter to Thomson, the Minister of Interior in his letter
s/1239 to the Mar Shimun said that the attitude of the Mosul
authorities was perfect and that he should have nothing to do with the
settlement operations. On the one hand the Mar Shimun is asked to
cooperate; on the other, he is notified officially not to interfere. I
am at a loss to reconcile these two policies.

Here a deadlock was reached and
all communications with the Mar Shimun stopped. No British official
went to see him as that would have brought the wrath of their Arab
masters and caused the loss of jobs which they could not get elsewhere.

The Council of State drew up a
secret plan for the disarmament of the Assyrians to be attacked when
this was done. At the same time orders were issued to the press
secretly to re-commence a more vigorous press campaign than ever before
the prepare the Arab population and the army to move against the
Assyrians when the signal was given. It must be clearly understood that
there occurs no movement in Iraq of whatever nature it may be without
the British authorities' knowledge.

On June 16^th the press
demanded the annulment of the Anglo-Iraq Treaty which was only eight
months old. It stated that no threats would be of any avail to see that
this treaty is altered and that Iraq must have a free hand in its
administration, policy, finance, military and justice.

On June 20^th the first
debate on the Assyrian problem took place; the Premier was asked the
source from which the Assyrians had obtained their arms and asked why
there would be a British Consulate at Diana. The Premier was also asked
to stop the encroachments by the Assyrians on the civil population. All
these questions were pre-arranged with the Ministers and they had to be
asked in parliament to be given an official colour.

On June 25^th under the
heading "Britain and the Assyrians" the press stated:--"Britain
dishonoured all its pledges to the Arabs and only respected those made
to the Jews in Palestine and to the Assyrians. It is Britain who has
encouraged the Assyrians to be disloyal and armed them strongly for
this purpose. She has formed an Assyrian army and she is increasing
their arms. The cabinet has resigned on account of the crisis caused by
the Assyrian case. It must not resign but must handle the situation
with an iron hand."

On the same day as this article
appeared, another deputy asked the Premier if the government intended
to disperse the Assyrians as otherwise they would be a danger to Iraq.

On the 26^th the press
demanded the settlement of the nomad Arabs in priority to the Assyrians
who were refugees in Iraq. In the Senate four senators asked the Prime
Minister for precise details regarding the Assyrian settlement as the
precedents of this problem were of a very grave nature.

Between the 27^th and 30^th
of June, fifteen venomous articles were allowed to be published against
the Assyrians and more fiery speeches were made in Parliament on the
same subject. A list of these will be found below:--

"It is Britain who is causing
dissensions in Iraq. Under the pretext of protecting the Assyrian
minority, she is causing great complications for Iraq for her own ends
and yet she is said to be the ally of Iraq. It is the British who set
in motion the separatist movement of Basrah from the rest of Iraq and
it is they who are causing friction between the Shia and the Sunna. It
is also they who wish to create a certain autonomous State in the north
of Iraq. The Assyrians must not be deceived or else they have the
Armenian example before them. The formation of Assyrian levies for the
protection of the British aerodromes must not be permitted. The
Assyrians must be dispersed. The debates in parliament on the Assyrians
must put the Iraqis on their guard. The seat at the League of Nations
offered to Iraq must not deceive us. The cabinet must not resign; the
parliament and the public are behind it. The present cabinet must take
any action that it deems fit irrespective of the consequences. It must
resist the settlement of the Assyrians or the formation of the Assyrian
levies. The nation is prepared to sacrifice its all to see that the
present cabinet pursues its policy towards the Assyrians. Pressure is
being brought to bear on Yaku in the north and he is about to submit to
the government. Police posts in Mosul have been reinforced and troops
have been sent up to deal with the Assyrians and all necessary steps
have been taken to protect the inhabitants (sic). The Assyrians are
criminals and certain elements of them must be eliminated."

The Prime Minister in response to
certain deputies replied, "There has been no aggression on the part of
the Assyrians against peaceful villagers. As regards the question put
to me as to the source whence the Assyrians obtained their arms, I
think that the source is well known to all of you. There is no need
however to fear any danger to the public safety. The recommendations of
the League of Nations do not compel us to settle the Assyrians in one
district. A certain deputy said that British officers are carrying out
certain acts behind the scenes. If such things happened in the past,
they should have come to an end with the old regime, and they must come
to an end now. In this matter the responsibility does not depend on the
government alone. The whole nation should know its national duty in
such matters, and should carry it out."

On June 28^th there were
other debates in parliament. "These Assyrians were brought into Iraq by
the British for purposes of their own. We await eagerly the drastic
action the government proposes to take against the Mar Shimun and his
followers. The mandatory regime is now over. We are independent. The
arms of the Assyrians must be collected. The government has allotted
13,000 dinars (equivalent to a pound) for the settlement of these
criminals. They must be dispersed throughout Iraq. The British are
behind them. By supporting the Assyrians, Britain wishes to create
another Zionism question in Iraq as in Palestine. The government and
the Nation must take joint action. We are prepared to defend the
country and I hope that the rumor that it is intended to settle one
thousand Assyrian families in the North is not correct. Government must
take punitive action against the Assyrians. Their arms must be
collected at once and drastic action taken against them; to their
settlement in a compact community, we shall never consent."

This was the political situation
in Iraq at the close of June 1933. The goal of the Government was to
disarm the Assyrians and then attack them and cancel even the Dashtazi
scheme. During the Arab insurrection of 1920, 65,435 rifles and
3,185,000 S.A.A. rounds were collected from the Arab tribes who had
taken part in the insurrection up to July 26^th 1921 and the
number of firearms in their possession in June 1933 was estimated at
some 150,000. These facts were well-known to the Assyrians and that is
why Malik Yaku and his supporters refused to surrender their arms which
they had acquired legally. Had the government disarmed the Kurds and
the Arabs, the Assyrians would have been the first to do so. It was
this refusal to surrender his arms that the government and the British
officials considered Malik Yaku as flouting of government authority.

On June 29^th the Mar
Shimun protested in various diplomatic representatives in Baghdad
against the anti-Assyrian press campaign and the revolutionary speeches
in Parliament sending a copy of his protest to the British Ambassador
in Baghdad. See appendix "F" It is my firm belief that if the British
Ambassador whose Government was morally responsible for the protection
of the Assyrians wished to stop these scandals and avoid a massacre, he
was in a position to do so or else why shoulder "moral responsibility."

There was no sincere desire on the
part of Iraq Government to respect the international obligations. The
Iraq Government on discovering that the British Embassy was indifferent
as to the fate of the Assyrians, encouraged certain agents to
assassinate the Mar Shimun. Of this the Mar Shimun was warned by a
British source, by a Diplomatic representative and by the Chaldean
Patriarch. One of the many arrangements made was a pre-arranged
collision of his car with another, which fortunately for the Assyrians
did not succeed. Residing as he was in Baghdad, south, between Hinaidi
(the Assyrian levy headquarters) and the Gailani camp (occupied by
Assyrians) his assassination at his residence was not feasible.}

^{CHAPTER XVII: THE FINAL BETRAYAL OF THE
ASSYRIANS (CONTINUED)}

^{PART III}

^{In July the Arab
political parties joined hands and took an active part in the
anti-Assyrian campaign. Public announcements by various parties were
made and broadcast throughout the country. Britain was once more
vigorously attacked and the demonstration of her Royal Air Force was
treated with contempt. "The only solution for the Assyrian problem is
an extremely drastic action and no attention should be paid to the
British standing behind them. The government must not take into
consideration Britain or any other power. Our patience is exhausted and
action must be taken."}

^{Between July 1 and 14^th
over eighty leading articles were written in the Iraqi press by all
classes of the population, all demanding the final extermination of the
Assyrians. The Iraq army in Mosul received private instructions from
the Ministers to be ready at a moment's notice, the secret societies,
especially formed for the purpose got in touch with the Kurdish Aghas
and tribal chiefs to join the army. Makki Sharbati, the Qaimaqam of
Dohuk, informed the Moslem chiefs at a private meeting that the Iraq
Government would take no action for any act of violence committed
against the Christians, the Assyrians in particular. The Criminal
Investigation Department whose superior was an Englishman had full
knowledge of what was happening behind the scenes and knew the ultimate
aim of the Iraq government. The British Embassy and other British
officers, who received copies of his special reports usually withheld
from the Arab Ministers. The only action taken by the Embassy was to
protest to the Iraq Government against two articles aimed at Great
Britain. This newspaper was suppressed only to reappear a few days
later to join again the anti-Assyrian forces. Britain was proclaimed as
the enemy of Iraq for having sheltered the Assyrians.}

^{In Mosul, the
telephone of the Mutasarrif was busy conveying instructions to the
Qaimaqams to be prepared for the wholesale massacre of the Assyrians.
There is only a thin partition, which separates the room of Mutasarrif
from that of the British Administrative Inspector.}

^{Though the general
position of the Assyrians had now taken a loathsome aspect, our friend
Thomson was still hitting his head against a strong wall. Lt.-Colonel
R.S. Stafford, who spent all his time in the south of Iraq with no
knowledge whatever of the problems in the north succeeded Wilson who
took leave of absence (This man resigned his position after the
massacre as he was disgusted with the barbarous acts of the Iraq army.
The other parts of the Iraqi Blue-Book contained his letters to Baghdad
which for the most part though based on hearsay was taken as a Bible.
He appears to be a man who dashes at solutions without sufficient
thought and judgments on subjects whose head or tail he does not know)
Malik Yaku came to Mosul and was ordered to give a guarantee for good
behavior. This the government considered necessary in view of so many
false rumors that were spread about him. Mr. Panfil, an American
missionary, posted bail for him; and Malik Yaku wrote a letter to the
government in the following vein:--}

^{I give this
document that my work and movements will be as blameless in the future
as they have been in the past, unless I am forced by false reports like
this time
I will obey all the orders and
regulations of the Government and the orders of the officials, provided
that such orders and regulations re not against the interests of my
Nation and that the officials are not cruel.
As soon as a decision is reached
between His Beatitude, the Mar Shimun and the Government regarding the
demands of the Assyrians who pressing the Mar Shimun for them, I then
am ready to interview Government officials not only in Mosul but also
in Baghdad.
I will order my men to go as soon
as the Government forces are withdrawn.
The Rev. Panfil is guaranteeing all
that I have said in this document.

The Government never took the
trouble to inquire into the complaints substantiated with evidence by
Malik Yaku and the other leaders against the tyrannical officials.

On July 10^th and again
on July 11^th, 1933, meetings which were attended by the
Assyrian leaders were held at the office of the Mutasariff, Mosul. The
meetings were arranged by the Government with the ulterior purpose of
causing friction among the Assyrians by employing paid servants to
cause quarrels at the meetings and to create disrespect for the
leaders. This group was given the privilege of arming with daggers and
revolvers and was spurred on by the officials to use abusive language
to antagonize the leaders; but the latter, being apprised by experience
dealt with the situation calmly and wisely. Thus the trouble at which
the Government aimed was averted.

At these meetings, the acting
Mutasarrif Khalil 'Azmi, Thomson and Stafford explained to the
Assyrians, the Government settlement-policy. They were told to accept
the Dashtazi region which would not have accommodated more than two
hundred families while the unsettled Assyrians were over fifteen
thousand. The three spokesmen told the Assyrians that those unwilling
to consent to the land policy as outlined above could leave the country
immediately. They were warned that (a) Persia would disperse them, (b)
Turkey would not accept them, and (c) in Syria the French already had
the problem of the Armenian refugees and had no lands to offer the
Assyrians. It is true that young Assyrians might be allowed to obtain
employment in the French colonial armies, but let me tell you that such
service is hard in the extreme.

Knowing the ill intentions of the
Government and being at last convinced of the British betrayal, Malik
Yaku and his brother, Shlaimun, Malik Loco and other leaders decided to
leave Iraq as there was no more future for them in that country. The
Mar Shimun, being detained and under surveillance, his mail confiscated
and his visitors û if any û carefully scrutinized, and the
Patriarchal House in Mosul closely watched, Maliks, Yaku and Loco and
other leaders agreed to proceed to Baghdad (at the request of the
government) and consult with the Mar Shimun. Upon further consideration
of this plan they became rightly suspicious and therefore concluded
that the Government's invitation was another trick such as was used to
trap the Mar Shimin and decided to leave Iraq for Syria under the
French Mandate. On the night of July 14^th and 15^th
an armed group of Assyrians carrying their British rifles (1914
pattern), which they had legally acquired left for the Faishkhabour,
the River (which is the frontier line between Iraq and Syria) via Dohuk
and Zakho, convinced that since the Government wanted to get rid of
them, it would be expedient for their families and other relatives to
follow. The Mutasariff and the Commandant of Police became aware of the
Assyrian exodus three days later but was unable to discover their
whereabouts until the Assyrians sent a letter to the Minister of
Interior, as follows:
July 23, 1933
Near Khaniq
Minister of Interior, Baghdad

Excellency,
As a result of Mosul meeting, the
Iraqi Government policy was explained to us both regarding settlement
and Patriarch.
Mutasarrif openly said "those
unsatisfied with this policy are free to emigrate from Iraq.
Accordingly we have come to the frontier and we request the Iraqi
Government not to block the road to those who want to join us.

We have no intention to fight
unless forced, Signed
Yaku D'Malik Ismail (Upper Tiyari)

Malik Baito (Tkhuma)

Malik Loko Sclaimun (Tkhuma)

Malik Warda (Diz)
Rais Esha (Nochiyya)

Rais Is-haq (Nochiyya)

Malik Maroguil (Sarra)

Tooma D'Makhura (Baz)

Yushia Eshu (Drinayi)

Malik Salim (Barwar)

Shamasha Ismail (Liwan)

Rais Mikhail (Sarra)

Eshu D'Kelaita (Timar D'Wan)

Other Assyrians followed the first
group to be hereinafter known as group "A" and all the peoples of the
lower Tiyari, the Tkhuma, the lower Barwar, the Ashita extending up to
Gali Salabakin (Amadiyah); all the Assyrians in Rowanduz; Barwar
Qudchanis in Dohuk; the Bohtan Assyrians, Jelu and Gawar in Shaikhan,
were to migrate led by: Odishu Rais Oshana, Rais Yosep Mirwatti, Rab
Emma Khoshaba, Rais Khoshaba (of Galiyyid Barkho, representing Malik
Shamdsin, invalid). Raises Saifu and Maqsul Lagippa and to join group A
but the Iraq army molested them, therefore, they were prevented from
leaving Iraq peacefully as they had intended to do. It is estimated
that the entire movement would involve some 40,000 persons, which
represented 95% of the total Assyrian population. The remainder (far in
the south) would follow in due course.

The Police headquarters, normally
in Baghdad, were transferred to Mosul; two-thirds of the Iraq army
forces were concentrated in Mosul liwa; over 1500 irregular Arab and
Kurdish police and tribes were engaged and armed by the Government,
pressing the Assyrians at the same time to surrender their arms.

Immediately after the migration of
group "A", His Britannic Majesty's government representative in London,
traveled to Paris to discuss the situation with the French Government.
The French authorities in Syria were now faced with an awkward
situation. The Iraq Government demanded that the Assyrians be disarmed
and be driven back to Iraq an action which was contrary to article VI
of the Provisional Accord of 1927, an agreement drawn between Iraq and
Syria for the regulation of tribal movements on the frontier. This
article was inapplicable in the case of group "A" which had left Iraq
with the specific approval of the Iraq Government; and which according
to the statements of the Iraqi representatives to the French was not in
a state of rebellion. Moreover, article V, paragraph II of the
Provisional Accord is clear on this point. The intention of the Iraq
Government was to have the Assyrians disarmed and driven back by French
troops into Iraq to be totally massacred without possible resistance.
The position of the French was extremely difficult, for they could not
possibly drive into Iraq, a wholly peaceful population only to be
butchered by the Iraq army which was at fault and the instigator of all
the troubles, and thus force France to besmirch her glorious past, ruin
her prestige in the East and bring an inevitable shame to her name.
Britain alone has been capable of doing this.

From the British, French, Assyrian
and Iraqi reports before me, the correct version of what actually
happened is as follows:--

The French had no adequate
knowledge of the acute persecution of the Assyrians by the Iraq
government that forced them to take refuge under quite normal
conditions, in Syria. The Iraq government had been concealing its acts
of oppression and was censoring even the foreign mails to prevent any
leakage of news.

As a result of the Anglo-French
discussions in Paris, and of the gross misrepresentations of facts made
to the French authorities on the frontier by Iraqi representatives (one
of whom was the criminal Qaimaqam of Dohuk) that there were no
differences between the Assyrian and the Iraq government, the French
apparently notified the Assyrians to return to Iraq, as the Iraqi
representatives had assured them that they would be allowed entry
without being further persecuted or massacred. They were advised to
leave the territory as otherwise the question might assume serious
proportions. Malik Yaku, his brother Mr. Shlaimun, Malik Loko and Mr.
Eshu D'Kelatia requested the French not to force them to return to Iraq
because the past false accusations of the Iraq Government against them
would, without doubt, lead to their persecution. They said that they
had no intention of fighting and were they to allow their compatriots
to do so, they would be the first to take the field, but the fact is
that their very presence in Syria was to avert this situation.

The news of the acts of callous
oppression by the Iraq Government against the families of group "A" and
others were now rife. Individuals wishing to join group "A" were being
shot down and tortured. Under these circumstances Maliks, Yaku, Loko
and the other leaders had no choice but to return to Iraq and save the
situation by surrendering their arms and returning to their villages.

To test the Iraqi assurances to
the French that the Assyrians would not be killed, a small group, with
mules preceded to cross the river and waited on the bank for another
group to follow. As one of the groups was crossing the river, an Iraqi
aeroplane gave a signal to the Iraqi forces that were entrenched all
around the spot. Suddenly the men in the river and those on the shore
were attacked by a terrific fire from the hidden Iraqi. The Assyrians,
hastily hoisting white flags, shouted to each other, Do not retaliate
for the sake of our womenfolk and children left behind in Iraq. The
Assyrians withheld their fire and shot not a single gun until the cries
of their dying convinced that unless a defense was made, the entire
band would be massacred. Among the innumerable acts of heroism, the
heroic sacrifice of the Rev. Maroguil of Barwar, (Qudchains) should go
down in history in a blaze of glory for making his body a bridge upon
which the betrayed Assyrians crossed and retaliated by opening fire.
Malik Yaku in his report to the author borne out by eye-witnesses,
states "As soon as we opened fire, though under no cover, the Iraq army
displayed its gallantry by running disorderedly before us to fortify
themselves in their camp near by". The Iraq army took the offensive at
six o'clock in the evening on the 4^th of August and
continued all the night of the fifth, when the Assyrians with rifles
only, counterattacked (until now on the defensive) and inflicted very
heavy casualties on the retreating enemy. The casualties of the
Assyrians was 10 killed and 13 wounded.
Malik Baito Zomaya Slewo

Rais Zomaya Daniel Kishto Benyamin

Jagis Misho Rev. Maroguil

Yokhannan Khano Badal David

Rehana Sorisho Maroguil Koryakos

Wounded:
Malik Loko Shimun Warda

Anter Jindo Joseph Eshoo

Moshi Daniel Nweya Yonan

Rais Jileo Nadir Yosep Kannon

Rais Gewargis Gievo Kheyu Chado

Hormis K. Gewargis Malik Shikho

Nessan Yonan

The dead bodies of the Iraq army
counted by the Assyrians numbered 80 and later reports indicated their
casualties were heavier. The mount of Chai Bekhair where the army was
strongly entrenched was captured by the Assyrians on the fifth by a
decisive attack launched by Malik Loko of Tkhuma, supported by a strong
party from behind. Those in the river and on the shore were rescued.
Iraqi aeroplanes took part in all these operations killing three of
their own officers whom the Assyrians had captured and detained in a
tent.

Like Aylmer at Wadi "through lack
of water" and want of food, Maliks, Yaku and Loko, also Shlaimun and
Eshu, found that they could not hold their positions much longer for
the Iraq army was receiving considerable reinforcements while the
Assyrians were getting weaker. Therefore, they decided to withdraw
after having rescued their compatriots from extermination.

During the fighting however about
250 Assyrians cut their way through the military cordon and returned to
their villages in Iraq to protect their families. Iraqi aeroplanes
dropped leaflets to say that all those surrendering their arms would be
pardoned and in no way injured. A large number of Assyrians did
surrender their arms to the civil authorities but were immediately shot
dead without trial. In a garden at Dohuk alone on the 17^th
of August, fifteen Assyrians were tied up and shot down in the presence
and under the orders of the Qaimaqam.

The news of the battle was
broadcast throughout the country by different governmental agencies,
but as usual gross and shameful misrepresentations were made to further
poison the minds of he Arab population. The Iraq Government stated that
it was the Assyrians who first opened fire at Faishkhabour and that
three Arab officers captured had their bodies mutilated. Leaving the
Assyrian and Iraq accounts of this incident aside, we have the
disinterested report of Major Aldwards. His statement is that group "A"
had captured Arab officers in action and a considerable quantity of war
material including explosives. As the fight was going on the Assyrians
were unable to take the prisoners with them so they tied them up and
left them behind in a tent by which lay the captured ammunition. The
Iraqi aeroplanes, wanting to blow up the ammunition dropped bombs which
resulted in the death of their own officers. This statement is borne
out by the fact that these Iraqi bauble flyers dropped the bombs on
Syrian soil, killing certain people there.
On 24^th of September
1933 Malik Yaku writing to me states:--

My dear Yusuf Malek,

à.You have no doubt heard
how the Iraq Government has fulfilled her promises to the League of
Nations in regard to the protection of Minorities. Since long it was my
desire to get in touch with you but unfortunately I was unable to
obtain your address until recently when Jaladat Bedr Khan gave it to me.

I would be glad if you could have
attached article published in reply to Nuri Pasha's statements.

I have not heard from the Mar
Shimun directly or indirectly for some months now and we would be all
glad here is you would keep us informed of all events as we receive no
news or papers.
Yours sincerely, Yaku Malik Ismail

The article of Malik Yaku
conclusive as it us was utilized in the proper quarters but I must
reproduce certain parts of it for its historical value.

Nuri PashaùThe Mar
Shiumun was detailed after trouble broke out.
Malik YakuùThe Mar
Shimun was officially detained in Baghdad long before the trouble broke
out for having refused to sign documents dictated to him by the
Minister. If his Beatitude would have signed these, he would have been
considered a traitor and disloyal to his Nation. The Assyrians applied
for his release but their requested were unattended to.
Nuri PashaùMalik
Yaku entered Dohuk with an armed force to defy government.

Malik YakuùI was
invited to Dohuk by the Qaimaqam and I did not have with me more than
twelve individuals some of whom had business of their own in Dohuk.
Though so invited theQWaimaqam informed me through the agency of Ezra
effendi, the police officer that he was unable to see me. To the Mosul
authorities on the other hand, he wrote misrepresenting the whole
affair. Even if I had armed men with me that custom was not unusual for
tribal chiefs in Kurdistan. For instance Sa'id Agha Garmawi, Ahmad Agha
Barashi made visits to the Iraqi officials with armed followers.

Nuri PashaùQaimaqam
Amadiyah invited Malik Yaku to attend his offices and failed to do so.

Malik YakuùThe
Qaimaqam asked me where we should meet. I suggested Suwara Tuka, but on
finding that the Government had already dispatched a force of fifty
policemen and armored cars to effect my arrest, I refrained from going.
I went to the hills.
Nuri PashaùYaku
submitted to the military force and he was pardoned. We regret such a
pardon was given him.
Malik Yaku: On June 26^th
Colonel Stafford and Major Thomson came up to me with a telegram from
the Minister that I would be given safe conduct if I only went to Mosul
and explained my grievances to the Mutasarrif against the Qaimaqams
concerned. This I did but there was still no remedy.
Nuri PashaùThe
action of the Assyrians was not due to the detention of the Mar Shimun.

Malik YakuùIt is
obvious that what took place was due to the cruel treatment meted out
to our Patriarch by the Iraq Government. I personally told the
Mutasarrif and the Qaimaqams that if they wanted to settle the question
amicably, the Mar Shimun ought to be released. Their reply was that the
Mar Shimun was a Spiritual Head and must not interfere in politics. On
the other hand, these same officials were employing Bishop Sargis,
Bishop Yuwalaha, Qasha Yosep d'Kelaita an Qasha Kina in the same
politics which were withheld from the Mar Shimun. How can this be
reconciled? It was quite impossible for those zealous and pure blooded
Assyrians to bear any longer the harsh treatment meted out to their
Patriarch who had been their Temporal and Spiritual leader for many
centuries past and who had only represented to the government the
wishes of the Assyrians who had begged and pressed him to do.

Malik Yaku concludesùBefore
closing, I should like to state that it is quite natural for the Iraqi
Minister of Defense to award medals to all the troops who fought
against us but he will not forget I hope that such medals should bear
the pictures of the isolated and undefended women and children upon
whom the army has been triumphant, while at the actual battle at
Faishkhabour the powerful Iraq army proved themselves exceptional
cowards, a quality for which they have been so famous during their
operations in Kurdistan.

I cannot close this chapter
without quoting a small paragraph from "The Crisis in Iraq" (By
Lieut-Colonel Sir Arnold Wilson K.C.I.E; C.M.G.D.S .O. The October
issue (1930) of the Nineteenth Century and After. London. See Chapter
XIX. I know and the survivors of the massacre and the coming
generations should know that it was through British treachery that the
massacre was made possible.

Very few Englishmen would have
made this very important statement of "four squadrons of the
British Air Force, whose intervention has been confined, of recent
months, to dropping leaflets on Assyrians telling them to surrender.
They did so and were massacred a day or two later in cold blood."

I do not think there is any
Assyrian in the four corners of the world who could doubt Sir Arnold's
statement; and if we are not to forget our martyrs of Simeil and other
villages, we should frame it as I have done, and place it in a
conspicuous place in every Assyrian house and have its tragic
consequences taught to our children as to how the Assyrians have been
rewarded by the British with whom their relations date a century back.}

^{CHAPTER XVIII: THE ARAB BARBARISM IN IRAQ}

^{In 1929
circulars drafted by Iraqi Ministers holding Ministerial posts in 1933
were circulated throughout Kurdistan for a general massacre of the
Assyrians. These circulars, according to the Special Service Officer,
Mosul, were caught in Rowanduz and the situation saved not by the
action of the local Arab officials who were in league with those in
Baghdad but purely and solely by Kurdish intellects, who on receiving
the news took prompt action at the right time.}

^{In 1930 on his visit
to Mosul, Sir Francis Humphrys met different groups of representative
leaders. One of those groups was composed of the Mar Shimun, Bishop
Yusuf Ghanimah, and Qas Sulaiman Sayigh, Priest Gregor of the
Armenians, Majid Agha, a Kurdish chief of Mizuri in Dohuk (a very
progressive Kurd who always did his best to cultivate friendly
relations with the Assyrians), and another Kurdish chief of the Herki
tribe. In conversation amongst other things, Majid Agha said:}

^{"Mamurai Araban
Fasad Baima wa Asuri"}

^{"The Arab
officials are causing dissention between us and the Assyrians.:}

^{Captain Holt, the
interpreter of the High Commissioner, omitted to translate this phrase
to Sir Francis but when he was reminded by those present, he regretted
the error.}

^{In April 1931
arrangements were complete to massacre all the Christians in Mosul but
this was avoided due to the numberless complaints and reports sent to
all directions by the Christian leaders. The British armored car
carried out a demonstration in the streets of Mosul; so the massacre
did not occur.}

^{In September 1931 the
League of Nations was officially warned that a massacre would take
place once the Assyrians are left to the mercy of the Iraq government.}

^{In 1932 Sir Francis
was reminded of the above attempts to massacre the Assyrians. He had to
admit the fact but said:}

^{"You need not fear.
The British influence in Iraq would be much greater after the lifting
of the mandate than what it has been and I, in my capacity as the
British Ambassador, will have more time to devote to the interests of
the Assyrians and see that what you fear of will not take place."}

^{The members of the
League of Nations were not convinced of the truth of the reports
submitted to them and were extremely reluctant to release Britain from
her obligations and responsibilities before making sure that they would
not be accessories in what they knew would happen.}

^{To break up all
resistance in the way of Iraq, Sir Francis Humphrys made the following
eminent declaration at Geneva:}

^{"Should Iraq prove
herself unworthy of the confidence which has been placed in her, the
moral responsibility must rest with}

^{His Majesty's
Government, which would not attempt to"transfer" It to the Permanent
Mandates Commission.}

^{After all due
warnings to Great Britain, the door of the League of Nations was opened
in the face of Iraq and was admitted as an independent member under
false pretences without any safeguards for the protection of the
Minorities, The Assyrians in particular.}

^{Mr. Pierre Orts,
(Belgium) as rapporteur to the Mandates Commission in June 1931 (see
minutes of the twentieth session) stated:}

^{"Twelve years ago
Iraq was included among the countries whose existence as an independent
nation has only been provisionally recognized on condition that they
were guided by a mandate. One of the reasons why Iraq was refused
complete independence was that it was not yet considered to possess
that spirit of tolerance which made it possible to place in its charge
without any apprehension the fate of the racial and religious
minorities established in the territories accorded to the country."}

^{The statement of Sir
Francis was inconsistent with the terms of the Anglo-Iraq treaty of
June 30, 1930, which conferred upon Great Britain no powers such as
were implied in the assumption of "moral responsibility" by His
Majesty's Government. On the other hand, Mr. Henderson, Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs stated that when that Treaty became operative
"the responsibility of Great Britain will be neither more nor less than
that of any other Power."}

^{Which has the greater
authority û a formal treaty presented to Parliament and
registered in the League of Nations and the official comment thereon of
a Secretary of State, or a verbal statement made in secret session
before the Permanent Mandates Commission by the ex parte advocate
of the case of Iraq? The words ex parte are advisedly used
because the British government was was pledged by the preamble of the
Treaty to do its utmost to secure the admission of Iraq to the League
of Nations "without qualification or proviso" and was thus precluded
from moving the League to insert safeguards on which it had failed to
insist deliberately; nor was it reasonable to suppose that other
members of the League would take the initiative in the matter which is
no way concerned their own subjects.}

^{Sir Henry Dobbs
pressed the view in the "Times" that the probably course of events in
Iraq was not such as to justify the acceptance of Great Britain of
"moral responsibility" without the power to give effect thereto. His
views were also endorsed by a distinguished ex-Civil Commissioner in
Iraq, Sir Arnold Wilson.}

^{Professor
Vesey-FitzGerald before the Grotius Society stated:--}

^{"To denounce the Iraq
treaty now might perhaps be a breach of faith with our allies, the
Sharifian nationalists; to have signed the treaty at all or to observe
it was and is a breach of faith both with the League of Nations and
with our equally loyal allies, the Assyrian Christians."}

^{His Grace the Lord
Archbishop of Canterbury stated:}

^{"I most earnestly hope
that the League of Nations will insist on obtaining the utmost possible
security for the protection of these Minorities before a mandate is
issued to the Iraq Government. This is the very least that we may have
a right to insist upon in view of all the sufferings and sacrifices of
these minorities."}

^{A letter from His
Eminence Cardinal Bourne contained the following:}

^{"His Eminence desires
it to be known that he took great interest in the question of the
Christian Minorities in Iraq and that he knew that the Holy See was
fully aware of what was happening to those Minorities."}

^{His Grace the
Archbishop of Dublin and Dr. Scott Lidgett, the latter on behalf of the
Evangelical Free Churches of Britain also expressed the hope that the
League would safeguard the national integrity of the Christians and
other Minorities.}

^{We left Malik Yaku and
group "A" in Syria and I think it necessary to say a few words as to
who Malik Yaku is because the Iraq Government has been maliciously
attempting to brand him as a rebel and no more than a "bandit."}

^{Malik Yaku is a very
good Christian who never misses his morning or evening prayers. He
comes from a very influential Assyrian family in upper Tiyari like the
Barkho family of lower Tiyari. He has been in the Assyrian levies and
served with many British officers during the last sixteen years. He
commanded the second Assyrian battalion and possesses an undaunted
spirit. He rose to the highest military rank to which an Assyrian could
rise due to his bravery and the innumerable successes achieved during
the military operations in Iraq. Sensible, unselfish and honest he was;
he refused to permit his Nation and Patriarch to be enslaved by a race
infinitely inferior to his.}

^{His only fault has
been that he and his brother-Assyrians, officers and men have saved
many British lives (by sacrificing their own) and saved millions of
rupees to the British tax-payer by serving in dangerous fields which
otherwise would have been done by British troops. If men are
ungrateful, history is NOT.}

^{In August 1933 a Holy
War was proclaimed against the Assyrians and the Government newspapers
and officials were in the foremost of those who advocated the Jihad.
Glorious tributes were paid to those who were coming forward to join
the Jihad. Tribesmen and townsmen of all classes were instigated by the
officials to volunteer to proceed to the north and fight the Assyrians.
Arab deputies armed proceeded to Mosul for the same purpose. Merchants
were supplying the volunteers with firearms to whom the Government
tendered its thanks for such acts of patriotism. Camels were being
produced in hundreds to facilitate the task of the army for transport
purposes to clear up the Assyrian zone. During August over two hundred
and thirty libelous articles were allowed to be published against the
"infidels." Further attempts to assassinate the Mar Shimun failed.}

^{Through their chiefs,
Arab and Kurdish tribesmen were given the orders of the Government:
they offered one pound for every Assyrian head brought in, dead or
alive; and that they would not be asked by the Government to restore
any or all of the property that could plunder. All acts of violence
were lawful and anyone not participating in this war would be betraying
his religion and country. This was the Order of the Day.}

^{We asked the
"paper-guarantees" of the League of Nations to protect us and we were
told that that was the province of the "British moral responsibility."
On application to the latter, she was found to be in derogation of her moral
responsibility, haphazardly indifferent to the fate of
the people who had been her loyal allied.}

^{There was now nothing
to prevent Baker Sidqy the Arab commander who was so shamefully
defeated by group "A" on the frontier from embarking upon the general
massacre-scheme for which preparations were made since the stone-case
in May.}

^{On his return to the
Assyrian villages and settlements, all Assyrians found on the way were
killed. Assyrians who during all their stay in Iraq had no interest in
governmental affairs were treated similarly. To minimize the number of
persons so killed, Assyrians who had surrendered their arms and also
those who had no arms, were tied and conveyed by military cars to the
Syrian frontier and killed there after being tortured on the way. The
Iraq Government in her communiqué regarding the battle on the
frontier stated that ninety-five Assyrians were killed in action. We
know that only ten Assyrians were killed and the remaining eighty-seven
were killed under circumstances described above.}

^{Under orders of the
Qaimaqam of Dohuk and Amadiyah the police began collecting the Assyrian
arms since July 30^th. The official massacre day was
celebrated on August the 7^th. The Assyrians living in the
villages of: Sayyasd Zari, Manawi, Qasr Yazdin, Mansuriyah, Chamma
Gore, Kharab Kuli, Dari, Sarshuri, Garpili and Busuriyek and many other
villages were instructed to come down to Simel village (the largest
Assyrian settlement) to be protected by the Government against Arabs
and Kurds! The idea of the government was to reduce in this way the
number of massacre zones as much as possible and prevent the spreading
of their forces on a wide line. Those who did not turn out were killed
in their own villages by the military columns in their districts. Simel
where there has always been a police post and which was now reinforced
was to suffer most. Goriyyil Yonan of the Baz, who was the
pro-government party and always assisted her in her schemes, was the
first to be shot at the door of his home although he had hoisted a
white flag and had his Iraqi nationality paper in his hand. In one room
of his home eighty-one men from the Baz tribe were killed by revolvers
and bayonets by Iraqi troops in uniform. Groups of men and women were
turned out from Goriyyil's house and other houses in the village, tied
up, and killed by machine-gun fire. Priests were barbarously tortured
in every imaginable way and were slaughtered after having their tools
placed into their mouths. Assyrian women were ordered by the Iraqi
commander to be stripped-naked and march before him. Pressure was
brought to bear on the wife of Malik Yaku to say that the exodus and
the battle were prearranged with the French authorities. They were
ordered to sign documents on the spot to this effect.}

^{Assyrian girls of nine
were raped and burnt alive. Holy books were piled over their bodies and
burnt with them.}

^{The massacre in all
the villages of Amadiyah, Zakho, Dohuk, Shaikhan and Mosul Qadhas was
carried out in the same manner and at the same time.}

^{The Assyrian levies,
who during that time were guarding the British Summer camp at Sar
Amadiyh were brought down by cars in great haste to the British
aerodrome in the vicinity of Simel and conveyed to Baghdad. They were
not permitted to see what was happening. British aeroplanes flew over
the massacre zones and took photographs from the air without giving any
help or relief to those who were being massacred, although many of the
latter were the families of the Assyrians still guarding the British
interests in Iraq.}

^{All foreigners were
withdrawn from the Mosul liwa and confined in Mosul town. The Ministers
of Interior and Defense were in Mosul and received hourly reports of
the progress of the massacre. British officers in the Iraq army and
those in the civil service were well aware of those horrors.}

^{Assyrian villages were
stormed, burnt to the ground and later pillaged by Arab irregulars and
certain Kurdish tribesmen. All the money the Assyrians possessed was
robbed by the Iraq army and the civil officials from the rank of
Qaimaqams to that of police constables. Kurdish aghast who were always
feared to take reprisals in such a case, in view of the operations
undertaken against them under the orders of the British High
Commissioners, gave shelter to Assyrian villagers and isolated persons
instead of attacking them as was expected. The following Kurdish aghast
are among others who protected the Assyrians during their tragedy:}

^{Sheik Nuri Brifkani,
Ahmad Agha al Atrushi and Qadir Agha of Aqra.}

^{And though the Kurds
in Arbil liwa were in a position to slaughter all the Assyrians in the
Rowanduz settlement in view of their small number yet the Kurds never
molested them or remembered the near past.}

^{Sheiks Ahmad and
Mahmud were interviewed and requested by the Arab Ministers to attack
the Assyrians and join in the Jihad, but they refused to do so. Sheik
Mahmud was interviewed in A'dhamiyah.}

^{King Faisal who was in
Europe with his Ministers asking the British Government to lend them a
few million rupees and Sir Francis who was on a fishing trip, returned
to Baghdad by air. Faisal is reliably reported to have asked the
cabinet to resign or stop the massacre and he was told that he was
merely a refugee in Iraq and he could leave the throne if the policy of
the nationalists did not suit him. It must be remembered that Faisal
had lost all his prestige in his last days subsequent to the admission
of Iraq to the League, for he could not rely on British bayonets as he
did before.}

^{The British Embassy,
though in possession of full reports of the ugly events in Mosul kept
the Mar Shimun entirely in the dark. On July 31^st in a
letter to the League, the Mar Shimun stated:}

^{:My correspondence
is either censored or confiscated, therefore, I am obliged to use
indirect methods of sending Assyrian news out of Iraq."}

^{I, being in Beyrouth
the following telegram reached me which I radiographed to the
League of Nations on August 1^st:}

^{Assyrian situation
desperate stop Compelling Assyrians crossing Syrian frontier stop I
under Government detention Baghdad stop Appeal for League's
intervention.}

^{If the League's
protection was of any avail, the massacre which took place six days
after this telegram might have been stopped. Even at this time the
British authorities if they wanted could have stopped the massacre; (if
not by sending troops to Mosul) by sending Assyrian levies from Baghdad
to the North whose mere presence would have prevented the Iraq army
from attacking the Assyrians.}

^{On August 17^th
I received more telegrams from the Mar Shimun to the League of Nations:}

^{Implore League's
immediate interventioin stop Assyrian women and children included in
massacre through certain Kurdish tribes armed by the Iraqi Government.}

^{The reference
to the Kurds which was based on a first-hand information report (and on
a statement by the Iraqi prime minister) who attempted to throw the
responsibility on the shoulders of the Kurds was subsequently corrected
in a letter dated September 12^th and sent to the League of
Nations by the Mar Shimun.}

^{On August 17^th
also the above telegrams signed by the Mar Shimun were sent to the
following addresses:}

^{His Majesty King
George}

^{His Excellency the
President of the French Republic}

^{His Majesty King
Albert of Belgium}

^{Her Majesty Queen
Wilhelmina of Holland}

^{His Excellency
Signoir Mussolini}

^{His Excellency Herr
Hitler}

^{His Majesty King
Haakon of Norway}

^{With the exception of
the last telegram which did not find the King of Norway at Oslo the
remainder reached their destinations.}

^{The orders to stop the
official massacre were passed on the 14^th of August though
it cannot be said it was definitely stopped.}

^{On August 16^th
the Iraq Government passed an emergency law for the deportation of the
Mar Shimun, his father, Mr. David D'Beth Mar Shimun and his brother,
Mr. Theodore. On the 17^th he was notified as follows and on
the morning of the 18^th he was carried by British aeroplanes
to Cyprus via Palestine accompanied by two Assyrian officers, Rah Emma
Malik Hormiz ofTkhuma and Rab Khamshi officer Yaku Eliya.}

^{No. S/1801}

^{Date 25^th
Rabi ul Thani 1352}

^{17^th
August 1933}

^{Ministry of Interior,
Iraq}

^{To Eshai Mar Shimmun}

^{This is to notify you
that the Council of State has by virtue of authority vested in him,
decided to withdraw your Iraqi nationality and his Ministry has
moreover decided that you should be deported outside Iraq.}

^{For your information
we send you herewith a copy of the order relating to this. Sd. Nashat
al Sinawai For Minister of Interior}

^No.S/1792

^{Date 24^th
Rabi ul Thani 1352}

^{August 16, 1932}

^{Ministry of Interior,
Iraq}

^{Whereas the Council of
State has decided to withdraw the Iraqi nationality from Eshai Mar
Shimun in accordance with the authority vested in the Council of State
vide article 1 of the Law for the withdrawal of Iraq nationality No. 62
for the year 1933 and whereas it has appeared that the deportation of
the person in question outside Iraq is in the interests of Law and
public security:}

^{Therefore We, Minister
of Interior by virtue of the authority vested in Us under article II of
the law in question order that he be deported outside Iraq frontier.}

^{Sd. Nashat al Sinawi
For Minister of interior}

^{Before his deportation
the Mar Shimun was assured by the British Air Vice-Marshal that as soon
as he left Iraq, he, together with Squadron Leader Reid (purposely
brought down from Palestine) and Captain Baddiley of the Assyrian
levies would proceed to Mosul and establish a refugee camp for the
Assyrian widows and orphans. He proceeded as far as Mosul where the
Iraqi authorities prevented him and his friends from going any farther,
as they had not yet sufficient Assyrian blood. In Simel alone over four
hundred persons were buried in three trenches by a labour party sent
from Mosul and this according to the statements of those who survived
and the official reports of the administrative officials, was due to
the complaints made by the officials who could not bear the smell of
the dead bodies which were being eaten at night by the dogs and wild
beasts.}

^{The order of
deportation though applicable to the Mar Shimun is also applicable to
the new king of Iraq, Ghazi, together with some one hundred thousand
persons including Chaldeans, Armenians, and other members of the Iraq
minorities who had entered Iraq after the war, for the law itself
states:}

^{"Any person who, he or
his family, were not habitually residents in Iraq before the war can be
deported under this law".}

^{This law is against
the:}

^{Treaty of
Lausanne
Iraq constitutional law

Iraq nationality law

The guarantees of the League of
Nations

On August 21^st the Mar
Shimun arrived in Cyprus with Hon. David D'Bith Mar Shimun and Mr.
Theodore and I joined His Beatitude on the 26^th;; for I was
deported from Syria two days after the arrival in Beyrouth of Nuri, the
Iraqi Foreign Minister.

Article 7 of the Iraqi
constitution states:

"There shall be no violation of,
or interference with the personal liberty of any of the inhabitants of
Iraq. None of them shall be arrested, detained, punished or obliged to
change their plan of residence, or be placed in bonds, or compelled to
serve in the armed forces, except in conformity with law.

Torture and the deportation of
Iraqis from the Kingdom of Iraq are absolutely forbidden."

The Nationality Law of Iraq came
into force on the 9^th of October 1924 or two months and
three days after the ratification of the Treaty of Lausanne. It laid
down that Turkish subjects habitually resident in territory detached
from Turkey became ipso facto nationals of the State to which such
territory was transferred. Thus the inhabitants of the State of Iraq
(including the Assyrians) being formerly Turkish subjects now became
Iraq subjects.

Near Dohuk, there still stands an
historical hill upon which thousands of Assyrians were persecuted in
the old days. On this same hill many Assyrians were executed during
August 1933. The last Assyrian to be shot was one Howel Odishu whose
life was only saved by a miracle. An impartial observer who happened to
be in Baiji writes me as follows:

"On the evening of August 9^th,
1933 the Arab employees of the Iraq Petroleum Coy (Coy is the British
abbreviation of Company) attacked the Assyrians and using chairs and
sticks. Six Assyrians were wounded and the remainder ran away. The
police intervened and arrested the Arabs; three Assyrians were wounded.
They were taken to the court at Takrit (in the Baghdad liwa) where the
Arabs were acquitted and an Assyrian was sentenced to ten days
imprisonment.

"The following day it was strongly
rumored that a second attack by armed Arabs would follow, as their
instructions were that no Assyrians should be left alive. The Iraq
Petroleum Coy. Was compelled to collect all the Assyrians in one place
for protection and to bring there the Assyrians employed at point K.2,
a distance of five miles from Baiji. The number of Assyrians thus
collected was some one hundred and fifty.

"Rumors of impending attacks by
Arabs become rife. There was no attack on August 10^th but on
the 11^th news received indicated that the Arabs in the
service of the boy. Would themselves carry out the attack. The
Assyrians who were not prepared for such an eventuality ran to the
British bungalows for protection. It should be remembered that there
were a number of policemen and guards of the coy on the spot for
protection purposes, but as soon as the lights were out, they deserted
their posts and went away. Simultaneously with this, the Assyrians wee
attacked. Fourteen were wounded and one was killed. An Arab employee of
the Coy. Demanded that the dead body of the Assyrian killed should be
burnt. The British officials did not agree.

"The rumours that the Arab
tribesmen would also attack did not die out. The following day twenty
Arab horsemen demonstrated before the British officers, in front of the
camp of the coy.

"After the attack of August 11^th
at the request of the coy. Before the British officers, forty policemen
and two machine guns were sent for purposes of protection.

"On August 13^th the
rumours of the impending attack died away but the Arab employees went
on strike. They demanded the dismissal of all the Assyrians. Those who
went on strike were about two hundred. They were also joined by some
two hundred tribesmen. On the evening of that day, Arab employees
carrying Iraqi flags proceeded to attack the camp. The police
intervened. The ring-leader was summoned and as the British officer
would not consent to the contemplated attack, the latter was insulted
by the ring-leader. The strikers then returned to the station and on
their way back they burnt down a car belonging to the coy.

"At 9 p.m. in the evening the
Assistant Commandant of police, with a car loaded with machine gun,
proceeded to the station and asked those on strike to be dispersed.
This they refused to do. An enthusiastic but excessively Arab rose and
said: 'The religion that dominates is that of Mohammad and death means
nothing to us."

"The strikers thereupon attacked
the police officer, who responded with the result that two Arabs were
wounded and one killed.

"On the 14^th, the coy.
Dispatched its aeroplanes to Baghdad and returned to Baiji carrying the
Mutasarrif and the Commandant of Police, Baghdad. They interviewed the
strikers with the result that all the Assyrian employees were
discharged with the exception of a few Assyrian clerks. A Chaldean
(Catholic) was also wounded during this period of disturbance."

The intervention by the police was
due to the pressure brought to bear on the Government by the Iraq
Petroleum Coy whose interests were at stake. This is borne out by the
fact that in centers where there was no oil, the Iraq authorities were
allowed to play havoc with the Assyrians.

In Baghdad and elsewhere, all the
Assyrian employees on the railways were withdrawn and dismissed and
deserted to suffer famine and poverty.

The Rev. John B. Panfil, (American
Missionary) who in May was informed by the Mutasarrif of Mosul that
Bakr Sidqy's plan emanating from Baghdad was definitely to destroy the
Patriarchal family gives the following account in a letter dated 31^st
July 1933.

"à.The Assyrians who left
Iraq represent 15,000 persons counting their families; thousands more
are waiting for an opening in the military belt to leave. Out of 40,000
Assyrians in Iraq, 5,000 will remain. The villages north of Mosul are
deserted; rice fields left to dry; sheep abandoned in the hands of
servants; belongings are sold by the women. It can be said that this
third exodus of the Assyrians since the war, is general.

"The reasons for this desperate
move are many. . . They shed their blood for the delimitation and
pacification of Iraq. The long and bitter experience of the past has
proved to them that they cannot live in the villages of Kurds without a
special arrangement: they knew that they could not expect much
assistance from a Moslem Government in case of difficulty. They knew
that in the last incident of Malik Yaku the Government actually armed
the Kurds against them. They were told they would have to give up their
arms before anybody else.

"Sir Francis Humphrys has promised
the Patriarch to help him to obtain some concessions for his people if
he would go to Geneva. The Patriarch failed to obtain any privileges in
Geneva but he was promised again a fair treatment for his people. When
the settlement officer arrived, the Patriarch was put aside and told
not to interfere. The Government retaliated by inviting him to Baghdad
and detaining him there. This last action brought to the memory of the
Assyrians the similar detention during the war, of Hormizd, brother of
the then Patriarch in Constantinople, and his subsequent death at the
hands of the Turksà.The government appointed five new leaders
from different tribes, gave positions and salaries to the opposers of
the Patriarch, favoured especially the Presbyterian Assyrians and took
into confidence Mar Sargis, Bishop of Jelu tribe, at present û
not on good terms with the Patriarch. In the villages a regular
campaign against the Patriarchal authority was conducted by the
Government officials. Those friendly disposed towards the Patriarch
were ill-treated, arrested and persecuted in many ways. The chiefs of
the villages were called again and again under different pretexts and
told to betray the Mar Shimun. The house of the Patriarch was watched,
and he was warned not to hold any meetings.

"The Assyrians could not accept
new leaders, could not resign themselves to be persecuted unjustly,
could not drop so abruptly their allegiance to their
PatriarchàThe Government made it clear to them that only a
fraction of them would be settled in Dashtazi and others would have to
stay where they were. Major Thomson, the settlement officer seemed to
be bound to the Government's policy. The great question of settlement
as cherished in the minds of the Assyrians was reduced to a mere
shifting of some six hundred families from one place to another.

"The offensive remarks about the
Assyrians in the Parliament made it clear to them that they were
unwanted in Iraq. The Arabic press by publishing articles against the
Assyrians created a hostile feeling among the local population. The
publishing in the American press of the article known to you by the
Rev. Cumberland and its translation in the Arabic papers filled the
hearts of the Assyrians with discouragement. The Bishop of Jerusalem
(Bishop Graham Brown) siding unconditionally with the Government's
policy made them feel that our Church was also against them. These and
other longer standing causes forced the Assyrians to the desperate move
of leaving Iraq.

"If France accepts them all others
will slowly follow; they were ready last December to go to Persia but
they preferred to give themselves up to France which retains still the
prestige of protecting the oppressed in the EastàStill this is a
slip in the British policy in the East which will be judged severely in
the annals of future history."

The Rev. R.C. Cumberland (American
Missionry), in a confidential letter dated Baghdad August 26^th
to Dr. Speer writes as follows:

"I do not have my files with me
here in Baghdad (and may never see them again) and so cannot say when
it was that your last letter arrived..At the moment our situation is
that of very unwilling inhabitants of Baghdad. On Sunday, 6^th
August I received a telephone call from Col. Stafford, the
Administrative Inspector, Mosul, asking me to bring my wife to Mosul
which I did that day. I returned to Dohuk the next Tuesday; on Thursday
of the next week (the 17^th) a telegram from Mr. Badeau said
for all of Mosul Station to come immediately to Baghdad without
questioning; we did so and arrived here the afternoon of the 18^th.
Technically I am the culprit; the Iraq Foreign Minister wrote to our
Minister, Mr. Knabenshue complaining of my political activities and
requesting my removal from DohukàI might add that no specific
charges were made and no evidence brought againt me..It seems to me
obvious that Government does not want any foreign observer in the Dohuk
districtàIt is not surprising that Government wishes to have the
present situation concealed; it is not a pleasant sight. I shall do my
utmost to arrange to return to Dohuk as soon as possible.

"In the meantime it may be well
for me to write as fully as possible regarding the situation; for a
postal censorship is easily possible and I shall probably have to
refrain from writing some kinds of things. It will probably be
advisable for letters from the U.S.A. to be worded discreetly. There
are others who are better qualified than I to give an official account;
but my position has given me an opportunity for observation of certain
aspects that few others have had.

"A strong case can be made though
it is my opinion that given the basic factors the substance of the
present situation was inevitably coming and might as well be now as any
other time. A very interesting chapter might be written, if all the
materials were available on real and supposed British promises to the
Assyrians. Most generous terms were made to the Mar ShimunàFor
the moment their position is shadowed by the notable victoryàwon
at Simel with the aid of Moslem fanaticism and personal spite; the
slaughter of innocent AssyriansàAt last Col. Stafford in the
hope of saving the villagers went to the village where Yaku was and
gave him his personal safe conduct to come to Mosul, where a guarantee
of 200 pounds for good conduct was required and was furnished by Mr.
Panfil.These Assyrians are described by Iraqi press dispatches as
rebels and insurgents, but I do not think those words accurately
describe them. This I do know nearly all of the Assyrian villages in
the plain have been looted, some with loss of life. Most of the looting
was done by Arabs and Kurds, most of the killing was done by the army.

"The massacre at Simel is known to
you. There were probably a few rebels in the village at the time, that
is, those who had crossed over to Syria and had got back. But nearly
all were present there in obedience to Government order, having been
told to come in from the surrounding villages for protection. They were
all without arms and were shot down in cold-blood by the army. Such an
exhibition of stark savagery and frenzied fanaticism has seldom been
seen. In addition to this I know not how many innocent people were
taken from their homes in Dohuk while there and have not been seen
since. The Simel massacres and similar events have gone far to destroy
the confidence of the Assyrians and of other minority groups especially
Christians in the good-faith of the Government. There seems not to be
the personal integrity in the government services to form a stable
administration. To be sure, we as Americans are not in position to
throw stones; but the objective fact remains that corruption is the
rule rather than the exception in this country and that it is not
condemned by anybody of public opinion that is strong enough to check
it. The outlook is not bright.,

"I am sorry that for the present
they have chosen to deny the facts of the Simel massacre; it does no
goodàOne of the most discouraging features of the situation is
the strong feeling especially in Mosul against all Assyrians whether
loyal to Government or not. Many Assyrians employed in all kinds of
work are being dismissed these days for no reason other than that they
are AssyriansàAt Simel was proved what fanatical Islam and
irresponsible Government are capable of, and it will not soon be
forgottenàBoth of these are fundamentally British problems. I
have no information as to how they are going to be solved by them, but
you will be able to attain that by other means than by my writing. If
it were in the hands of the group of administrators and advisers that I
have known here, I should not doubt that a wise solution would be
reached. But this will go to London and Geneva, where there cannot be
such a background of understanding and where France will have a hand in
it on account of the connection with Syria. I have a profound distrust
of French colonial policy. In spite of Iraqi denials, the main features
of the facts will be known and they cannot be entirely overlooked.
Protests ought to be made. But I do not think that armed intervention
would have a reaction in this country opposite to that desired unless
the League or some country appointed by it is ready to step in and
establish a complete foreign administration.

"Mr. Badeau's letter to Dr.
Chamberlain will give you a digest of the facts and I understand that
Mr. Willoughby has also written. I hope you will see the reports sent
in by Mr. Panfil to his board; I should like to but have not had the
opportunity.

"I am finishing this a few minutes
before Missà..sets out on her homeward journey taking it with
her to avoid the postal censor"

An Englishman writing under date
of September 22^nd states:

"The Arab Government have no right
to call this migration a rebellion. They have no mandate from the
League to force a settlement resolution by the massacre of more than
2,000 innocent Assyrian people. Who will support the Assyrian Cause at
the Permanent Court for the way in which the Iraqi have broken the
Minorities guarantees. The Iraq Government fear an International
Enquiry and to prevent the same they have now agreed to withdraw their
accusations against the French in Syria. They have decided to cover up
things with the British Ambassador by making apologies to insulted
British officials and consenting to bear the cost of the emigration of
a certain proportion of the Assyrians. They intend to continue gagging
the majority because of the expense of emigrating about 35,000 people.
Afterwards they intend making conditions so hard and uncomfortable that
they hope to force the rest to leave at their own expense or gradually
to exterminate them. These are the people who fought with the British,
Americans, French, Italians, Russians and Belgians. They lost
two-thirds of their numbers, their homes and all that was dear to them.
For more than 15 years they have been refugees and political pawns in
international politics. When the truth and real extent of the massacre
is known to the world and the League, both will be astounded and
horrified"

A report dated 2^nd of
October received by the author from a very reliable Chaldean states:

"Assyrian women after having their
wombs cut, the flesh thus cut was placed on their heads when they were
in a state of agony. Assyrian boys were fastened by being pierced to
the point of bayonets; others were flung in the air to fall on the
points of the bayonets of others. On its return to Mosul, the Iraq army
took many Assyrian girls in captivity and they are still in their
possession"

While the anti-Assyrian campaign
was going on, an Englishman went to see Mr. Cameron the editor of the
Iraq Times with the request to hear the Assyrian side of the case. That
gentleman replied, "I have still ten more years to do in Iraq. Do
you want my bread butter cut?"

An Englishman who was told by Sir
Francis that King Faisal was prepared to earmark 150-pounds for his
institution "if he kept quiet" and which the Englishman r effused to
accept as "blood money" writing of the Church of England Council in
Foreign relations states:

"àHaving been for centuries
desirous of living under a Christian regime they readily responded to
the invitation of the Allies during the great war. The invitation,
originally given by the Russians, was reiterated by the British later
in the war and there can be no doubt that we benefited greatly by their
gallant steadfast resistance of the Turk, Kurd and Persian, a
resistance which cost them the sacrifice of countless lives. Their
assistance to us was encouraged by us with promises that they would not
suffer on account of their decision and that what they had lost would
be made good. There can be no doubt either that they were made by us
because we really needed the help which we hoped the promises would
encourage. The impartial observer reading the minutes of the Permanent
Mandates Commission sessions and other documents cannot avoid the
impression that our efforts to find the Assyrians a new permanent home
though numerous were not pursued with that vigour which the payment of
a debt of honour demandsàWe should have had to employ more
British troops in the country for a longer period had we not had the
assistance of the Assyrians. They made our work in Iraq easier and less
costly.
:àIt is hard to believe
that anyone at all conversant with the nature of Iraq politicians could
have really believed that these guarantees meant much. It is difficult
also to understand on the more general side, how our representative at
Geneva could have expressed such confidence in the fitness of Iraq to
govern itself let alone the Minorities. . . It may be said in passing
that the writer has scarcely ever heard any of the British officials in
Iraq speak of the Iraqis and their powers of Government with anything
but the most profound distrust and even contempt when speaking off
their guard..Mr. Panfil who knows the mountains intimately tells me
that settlement in three larges would certainly be possible and that
such arrangement would have been accepted by the Mar Shimun.It became
clear to the rank and file of the Assyrians that their existence as a
Nation and as a Church was being systematically threatened by the
Government.I have never heard any proof that orders to go to Syria were
issued by the Mar Shimun from his quarters in Baghdad, watched as they
were day and night by plain-clothes detective. The only relevant
evidence I have heard is of an attempt by a police official to induce
persons to give evidence of such a kind as would lead people to suppose
that the Mar Shimun had given the orderàIt is beyond dispute
that Bakr Sidqy did order the shooting of 12 Assyrian prisoners. It is
said by the Government that this massacre was the work of Kurdish
irregulars. But if this was so, why were all the English and American
people who either lived in the neighbourhood or whose duties normally
took them there withdrawn from the neighbourhood or prohibited from
entering it? Why was Mr. Cumberland the American missionary resident in
Dohuk not far from Simel withdrawn? Why was Captain Sargon, a British
Police adviser whose duties took him all over the area, brought back
from Mosul to Baghdad? Why at a later stage were the officers of the
British Air Force who went up north to superintend the relief of the
relations of soldiers of Assyrian levies, prevented from going farther
north than Mosul? It cannot be doubted that things had happened and
perhaps were still happening in the mountain villages which the
Government were desperately anxious to conceal.

"About seven Assyrian leaders, not
connected with the Patriarchal family were transferred from the
mountains of the north to Nasiriyah town. No news of these had yet been
made public. No effort was spared to make the return of the victorious
troops an affair of national and religious self-glorification.
Triumphal arches were erected in Mosul. Baghdad was gay with flags and
wreaths. Watermelons stained with red pigment and carved to represent
Assyrian heads were transfixed with bayonets and daggers in Mosul. The
newspapers kept the people up to the correct pitch. The public was
reminded that the slaughtered Assyrians were Christians. The
expectation that the Government might repudiate the massacre was damped
by the promotion of Bakr Sidqy and the granting of a year's seniority
to all officers who had taken part in the expedition. Free coffee for
three days and free shaves for the same period were decreed for the
rank and file and presumably paid for by the government. The gesture of
defiance to the civilized world implied in the triumphant and laudatory
reception of the victorious troops is not the only sign that the Iraq
Government intends to try and bluff the whole matter through.
Unfortunately its conscience is so guilty that it has lost all sense of
proportionàSimilarly the congratulations of the Iraq Government
by the octogenarian Chaldean Patriarch extorted by threats (so it is
mot credibly asserted) will carry no weight. It is significant that in
this alleged chorus of approval from non-Assyrian Iraqi Christians, the
voice of the French Apostolic Delegate, resident in Mosul, is silent
even in government reports.

"It is much to be hoped that the
British government will not try to assist the Iraq Government in
smoothing over the deplorable events of the past few months. There are
however many British residents in Baghdad who see signs that we may not
have the courage to admit at Geneva û that the statements made
there last year were over-sanguine, and that we may try to obscure the
seriousness of the situation for which we should shoulder deliberately,
the moral responsibility."

A British eye-witness in the
service of the Iraq Government, the following words appear in his
secret report:

"I saw and heard many horrible
things in the Great War, but what I saw in Simel is beyond human
imagination." To this testimony should be added that of an American
resident in Mosul: "Kurds and Arabs on whom the government is
putting the blame for killing the Assyrians have saved hundreds of
women and children from the hands of the Iraq army."

Ja'far al 'Askari, the Iraqi
Minister in London of the same deceitful, dishonest and treacherous
stock and Nuri Sa'id in official communiqués to the English
press stated "No massacre has taken place in any part of Iraq. No
women, children or disarmed men of the relatives of the rebels have
suffered at all." The Iraqi delegation to Geneva admitted acts of
atrocities having been committed. Who of these is a liar?

Mr. J. S. M. Ward in an article
dated November 19, 1933 in the Daily Telegraph stated:

"It was we, and not the French
or Italians who invited the Assyrians to rise against the Turks and
promised them their independence and our protection if they would do
so."

On August 31, Lady Surma
D'Beth Mar Shimun with thirteen members of the Patriarchal family
arrived in Cyprus, including a baby of forty days old. They were
ordered to leave Iraq and were removed by air to Palestine and thence
by ship to Larnaca.At the port of the latter, it was the unfortunate
lot of the author and of Mr. Theodore D'Beth Mar Shimun to meet Lady
Surma of whose exceptional high qualities the British Foreign Minister
had a few years ago so highly spoken in the House of Lords, and who was
now ordered to live in exile, against her wish, leaving behind here a
wide field stained with the innocent blood of her people.

While doing no injustice to the
Assyrian women who had upheld their traditional bravery during those
agonizing months, these pages without being ostentatious feel under
obligation of paying a tribute of praise to the venerable Shereni,
daughter of Shamasha Daud ofTal, and the wife of Goriyyil Yonadow of
Tkhuma Gawaya for her patriotic action during those very trying
circumstances.

The news of the deportation of
Lady Surma and the Patriarchal family was received with alarm and
dismay in the Assyrian quarters in Mosul. The forcible removal of Lady
Surma meant to them the severance of the head from the body.
Disregarding the grave risk she was running to herself and the members
of her family, Madam Shereni gallantly led a demonstration of Assyrian
women in front of the Iraqi police who were on the point of enforcing
the "womanish order" of the Baghdad Government. Shereni informed the
Arab Commandant of Police that "You had better kill us all before
removing Lady Surma." The order of deportation was kept in abeyance for
the moment and Shereni and her daughter, Mrs. Raihani, wife of Nwiyya
Yonan of Barwar Qudchanis, carried a message from Lady Surma to the
Mutasarrif and Lt.-Col. Stafford, administrative inspector, Mosul, who
was not a nonentity.

Later on she led the demonstration
to the residence of the British Consul and told him that "we shall all
leave Iraq whose soil is stained with the blood of our sons, and we
shall join the Mar Shimun, Patriarch, in whatever country he will be
finally settled." And in front of the French Consulate, she

reiterated the unanimous desire of
the Assyrian People.

When the panic-stricken refugees
began pouring down into Mosul from the outlying villages, Shereni
helped them in every possible way. She gave them what dresses she had;
supplied them with food within the limit of her scanty means; and as
tailoress û though not her profession ûshe devoted her time
and energy to this philanthropic work. In consultation with the Rev.
Yukhanna (Known as Kasha Hanna Eshu, private Chaplain of His Beatitude
the Mar Shimun, Patriarch) she made arrangements for the accommodation
of forty Assyrians in the Church. She maintained them for about three
months by begging food for them and by collecting what little she could
from her brethren.

Her daughter, Mrs. Raihani, was by
no means less zealous in the great work of her mother, and her son
Younadow Gabriel, a student in the American University of Beirut who is
preparing for the medical school, has I am glad to say, inherited the
high qualities of his mother. He is enthusiastic and a wise counselor
and it is the hope of the author that his betrayed Nation will in the
near future find him to be an asset to her.

Hon. Zia D'Beth Mar Shimun the
uncle of the Patriarch was a few days later ordered to leave Iraq and
arrived Cyprus, thus the last man from the Patriarchal family who
remained in Iraq to share the lamentable conditions of those of his own
flesh and blood was cut off from the rest of the Nation.

If present or future historians
wish to describe "British Betrayal" or "Iraqi Arab barbarism" they have
to study the tragedy of the Assyrians.
Appendix "H" shows a small
percentage of Assyrians brutally killed during the massacre period.
Full statements up to the time of closing this report had not reached
me, but reports emanating from English and American sources place the
number of persons so massacred at 3,000.

Appendix "H" shows Assyrian
villages burnt, destroyed after the official orders to stop the
massacre were given and long after the League of Nations was supposed
to have intervened. Many more Assyrians, women included have been
killed but it has been extremely difficult with a reign of terror in
Iraq to procure these.

Appendix "I" shows Assyrian
villages burnt, destroyed, stormed and pillaged. The total number of
Assyrian villages or settlements was ninety-five. Out of this number,
sixty-five villages have been totally ruined or a percentage of
two-thirds.

The following Assyrian chiefs and
notables were arrested in Mosul and deported to Nasiriyah.

Mr. Alexander Kelaita of Mar Bishu

Shamasha Skharya Qasha Isha of Mar
Bishu
Qasha Is-haw Rainhana of Gardi

Walik Sawa Warda of Tal tribe

Mr. Malkezdaiq Shlaimun D'Malik
Ismail of TiyarI
Mr. Giwargis Haji of Chal

Khuri 'Abdul Ahad
Malik Andrews, Malik Warda of Jelu}

^{CHAPTER XIX: THE CRISIS IN IRAQ*}

^{*By Lt.-Col.
A.T. Wilson, M.P.}

^{Reprinted by courtesy
of the Author and the NINETEENTH CENTURY 7 AFTER REVIEW (PP. 411-422.
October 1933. Constable and Co., Limited Publishers, 10-12 Orange
Street, London W.C.2}

^{The sudden death of
King Faisal on September 8 in Switzerland marks a turning-point in the
history of Iraq not less decisive than his coronation. He brought to
his high position few advantages except those of birth; his father had
few, and his brothers almost none, of his high qualities and he was
almost unknown in Iraq until after the war. In industry and
intelligence, in political leadership and in the use of
"constitutional" methods among peoples better accustomed to the
arbitrate of the sword, he was in many respects the ideal Oriental
monarch of the twentieth century. It is unlikely that any other
possible candidate to the throne of Iraq could have succeeded as he did
in retaining and, on the whole, strengthening his position without an
open breach with the British Government on whom he depended for support
and without appealing to the strong racial instincts of his subjects.}

^{The pivot of the
Constitution of Iraq is the King who chooses his own Ministers and
nominates all the members of the powerful Senate. King Faisal exercised
all his powers; he managed successive Cabinets with such skill that the
evils of party government never took root. The periodical elections,
based on adult male suffragae through electoral colleges, were handled
with equal skill. His failure to restrain the impetuous nationalism of
his Arab followers and in consequence to secure the allegiance of his
Kurdish and Assyrian subjects was due to no want of goodwill or
understanding, but rather to the inherent difficulties of a situation
created partly by the circumstances which led to the establishment of
the Iraqi State, and partly (as we shall presently learn in India) to
the unsuitability of electoral systems in countries where racial or
communal differences are acute. In such countries majority rule is
synonymous with internal dissensions and open violence.}

^{Few Oriental monarchs
have been able to command as did King Faisal, the whole-hearted loyalty
and unbroken support of his European advisers. Their belief in him and
their admiration for his qualities is the measure of the support which
in happier circumstances he might have gained from the non-Arab races.
Kurdish and Christian in the northern part of his kingdom. It was in
the management of these communities that he failed and his last
days were darkened by the realization of the fact for within a few
weeks of his departure from this country all Europe was startled and shocked
by the news of the cold-blooded massacre of many hundreds of Assyrians
in Iraq during the first weeks of August. What actually occurred
must remain obscure until an impartial inquiry has been opened on the
spot by some neutral authority appointed by the League. The
Assyrians themselves in a statement dispatched from Iraq before the
massacre, claim that they were told by British officials on July 11
that if they were not satisfied with what the Iraqi Government was
doing for them they would do well to leave Iraq.}

^{A thousand men under
Malik Yaku decided to do so and entered Syria on July 30^th
in the belief that the French authorities would receive them. They were
followed by a further large band. The government of Iraq had not
expected such a move and dispatched troops to intercept further
refugees: fighting followed on August 5, with a loss according to the
official press bulletin of twenty Arabs and ninety-five Assyrians. The
Arabic Press declared that three Arab officers had been captured by
the Assyrians and burned alive. It was a lie (they had met their
death by the overturning an armoured car) but it served to inflame
racial passions which were fanned by a public parade of the dead and
wounded Arab soldiers. Such Assyrian leaders as remained in Mosul were
not deported: British advisers had already gone to Baghdad by order of
the Arab Government, lest they should be tempted to intervene. American
missionaries in the vicinity has been required to withdraw some time
before. Panic supervened. The Assyrians desired only to leave Iraq for
Syria. The Iraqi government were determined to prevent them. In
isolated villages Assyrian men, women and children were murdered by
Kurds, paid and armed by the Iraqi Government and their poor belongings
stolen. Some forty Assyrian villages were burned. Some
Assyrians fled into Turkey and were it is said shot down on arrival.
But it was at the village of Simel that the climax was reached. From
350 to 400 men, women and children were here murdered in cold blood on
their enforced return from the Syrian frontier at Faish Khabur. In the
words of a British eye-witness I saw and heard many horrible things
in the Great War, but what I saw in Simel is beyond human imagination. To
this testimony should be added that of an American resident in Mosul:
Kurds and Arabs on whom the Government is putting the blame for killing
the Assyrians have saved hundreds of women and children from the hands
of the Iraqi army. Against this must be cited the communiqué
issued by the Iraq Legation in London on August 18, which read as
follows.}

^{No massacre has taken
place in any part of Iraq, and}

^{It is very well known
that about 1,300 armed Assyrians}

^{Crossed the Iraqi
frontier to Syria without the Iraqi}

^{Governments's
knowledge and after a few days forced}

^{Their way back into
Iraqi territory by killing frontier}

^{Guards and causing
loss of life. It is quite obvious}

^{That the Iraqi forces
should deal with them and the}

^{Result was there were
casualties on both sides.}

^{This does not mean
massacre at all, but fighting}

^{Between the rebels
and government forces. No}

^{Women, children or
disarmed men of the relatives}

^{Of the rebels have
suffered at all.}

^{The only possible
comment is that of the late M. Paul Cambon:}

^{The manners and
customs of nations are independent of diplomatic convention.}

^{We are told that the
massacre was ordered by one Bekir Sidky Bey who commanded the Iraqi
forces in the Mosul area and had himself ordered the shooting of twelve
unarmed prisoners. King Faisal who had kept to his bed during the
troubled and declared his intention of leaving for Europe a few days
later promised an inquiry. His Cabin retored by giving the peccant
commander immediate promotion to the rank of pasha and a public
reception of unparalled magnificence. In the circumstances we need
not be surprised at the sequel as reported by The Times correspondent
on September 15: King Faisal's departure for Europe this morning
attracted very little attention. Members of the Cabinet saw him off but
there were not more than fifty people at the aerodrome. The situation
was in fact beyond the control of a sick man: he could but leave it to
his ministers to face with the assistance of such counsel as they might
be disposed to accept from the British Government (and for other
reasons) cannot divest itself of responsibility for the tragedy. The
Iraqi army is provided by His Majesty's Government with a British
Military Mission. Their feelings may be imagined. I am assured that
considerations of discipline and military law alone have prevented them
from resigning as a body. Their protest in on record.}

^{The history of modern
Iraq one of the succession States of the dismembered Turkish Empire
began with the occupation of Basrah by the armed forces of the British
Crown in November 1914. Its birth was foreshadowed on January 8, 1918
by the twelfth of President Wilson's fourteen points, declaring that
the nationalities now under Turkish rule should be assured of undoubted
security for life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of
autonomous development. Great Britain and France undertook to give
effect to this stipulation when on November 30, 1918 they declared that
the end which France and Great Britain have in viewàis the
complete and definite liberation of the peoples so long oppressed by
the Turks and the establishment of national Governments and
Administrations drawing their authority from the initiative and free
choice of indigenous populationsà..}

^{The peoples and
nationalities concerned in Iraq included 2,000,000 Arabs (of whom the
majority were Shiahs), 500,000 Kurds, 80,000 Jews, 60,000 Christians
(of whom 40,000 were of Assyrian nationality), 38,000 Turks and 26,000
Yazidis. The Jews, the Turks and Chaldean Christians have little sense
of nationality; they live as separate communities amongs the Arab
population. The case of the Kurds and Assyrians is very different. They
are hillmen as different in race from the Arabs of the plain as Scotch
Highlanders from Greeks. They speak tongues, which are wholly unrelated
to Arabic. In appearance, in habit, by temperament, and by race they
more nearly resemble Nordic Europeans than Arabs. They have been
repeatedly promised autonomous institutions consisted with the
declarations already quoted. The ungratified Treaty of Sevres made
specific provision (Articles 62-64) for local autonomy for
predominately Kurdish areas, with full safeguards for the protection of
Assyo-Chaldeans both in Turkey and in what is now Iraq and the fullest
publicity was given to these proposals.}

^{During 1919-1920 a
scheme for settling the Assyrians as a national unit in lands then
vacant in the northern and northeastern boundaries of Iraq was
prepared. Only the sanction of the British Government was needed.
It was not forthcoming, pending the conclusion of peace with Turkey.
The opportunity did not recur. Peace tarried and the British Government
proceeded to organize Iraq as a unitary State under an Arab king, the
problem of Kurdistan and the Assyrians being put aside for subsequent
settlement. For some years Kurdistan gave little trouble; it was
administered not by Arab officials but by British political officers.
The Arab government was kept in the background and few Kurds seriously
believed that the day would come when they would be placed beneath the
heel of the despised and hated Arab nor could the Christians be made to
believe it.}

^{The 25,000 Assyrians
who in 1918 reached the British refugee camp at Baqubah from Turkey and
Persia were driven out of their homes by the Turks as a direct
consequence of the attempt made by the Russians and by the British
military authorities (under the instructions of the Eastern Committee
of the War Cabinet) to make use of them against their Turkish lords.
The proposal did not originate in and was not approved by local
political officials who in Mesopotamia had studiously avoided using the
local Arab population against the Turks. It resulted in the creation of
another minority problem which need never have arisen. It served to
harden the heart of the Turks and to strengthen their resolve to
eliminate once and for all all non-Turkish minorities within their
boundaries by a renewal of those methods of massacre, torture and
starvation by which as recently as 1929 the Turks proclaimed themselves
anew as the most savage of living races. The enlistment of Armenians
and Lebanese Christians by the French authorities in Syria had somewhat
similar results but it seems destined to bring about in the near future
an effective and desirable equilibrium between the Christian and Moslem
communities in French mandated territory.}

^{Having once embarked
on this policy of Divide et impera, that cunning old motto as
Bacon calls it, we found it difficult to abandon. (Our strategic
aerodromes in Iraq are being guarded by Assyrian levies for the simple
reason that the Royal Air Force well know that they cannot trust the
Iraqi army to do so and British troops would cost too much money)
The Assyrians are good fighting men: from 1919 onwards they performed
invaluable service first with the British army which they saved from
utter disaster in 1920 (See my Mesopotamia: A Clash of Loyalties
1929, p. 291; Sir A. Handane, The Insurrection in Mesopotamia 1922, p.
247) and later as an integral part of the defense forces of Iraq under
selected British officers controlled by the High Commissioner. They
gave their services freely not to the Arab but to the British
government in the hope that a measure of justice would some day be
vouchsafed to them. We had used them so freely against Turks, Arabs and
Kurds alike that it is not a matter of surprise that the Turkish and
Iraqi Government have shown little inclination to cooperate in settling
them as a homogeneous unit. The outbreak of Assyrian levies at Kirkuk
in 1926 when several harmless shopkeepers were murdered has not been
forgotten and the memory still rankles.}

^{Between 1919 and 1923
a large number of Assyrians with official approval and assistance
returned to the ancestral valleys in the Hakkiari district, the
sovereignty of which was under discussion at Geneva between Turkey and
Great Britain, which claimed it for Iraq. In June 1924 the Turkish Vali
of Hakkiari attempted to enter the area on an official tour but was
ambushed by the Tkhuma clan and taken prisoner. An attempt to enter the
area from the west was more successful in spite of British resistance
and in September Turkish forces reached the no-man's land where the
Assyrians had settled and burnt and plundered their villages with the
result that about 8,000 of them fled southward into Anglo-Iraqi
occupied territory and arrived as refugees in Amadiyah.}

^{Thus was undone the
work accomplished three years earlier; for the result of the League
inquiry held the following year was to allot toTurkey the greater part
of the territory the Assyrian had been inhabiting. The decision of the
League Council in the words of Mr. Amery "falsified the assumptions on
which previous attempts to solve the problem had been based and made it
necessary to examine the whole problem de novo" The League
Commission appears to have assumed that the Assyrians would sooner or
later find their way back to their homes in the Hakkiari country even
though it was included in Turkish territory and it made recommendations
for their protection; but what actually happened was that Turkey flatly
refused to allow them to returnùin fact, the deportations
carried out by the Turks in the frontier districts with ruthless
severity in the autumn of 1925 effectually extinguished any immediate
prospect of the Assyrians returning to live under Turkish rule and
later on the Iraqi government was informed in June 1928 that any
Assyrians attempting to enter Turkey would be arrested and punished.}

^{The Assyrian
problem, as it now exists, is thus largely of our own creation and a
solution has been made more difficult by our own action, or rather
inaction. It was our duty to settle the Assyrians before we gave up the
mandate. Our efforts were half-hearted and had no result. The Iraqi
government could scarcely have done worse, but their folly is the
result of our spinelessness. We have been far too sensitive to the
partisan views expressed by local politicians. As the official report
states:}

^{The cry that the land
of Iraqis was being taken from them and given to aliens came easily to
the lips of political agitators and in the interest of the Assyrians no
handle must be given to agitation of this kind. At the same time the
Assyrians themselves required careful handling if they were to be
prevented from themselves arousing the prejudices that it was essential
to allay.}

^{We must now examine
briefly the steps taken by the League of Nations in regard to the
minorities question. The Commission appointed in 1924 by the League to
recommend a frontier between Turkey and Iraq was a very strong and
exceedingly competent body. It found the northern part of Iraq which
was in dispute to be predominantly Kurdish. The Commissioners declared
that but for the British Mandate, the maintenance of which was
earnestly desired, the majority of the population would prefer Turkish
to Arab rule. They decided against including in Iraq the former home
lands of the Assyrians, on the strange ground that the British
Government had never raised the question in earlier negotiations, nor
in the Treaty of Lausanne:}

^{Since the Assyrian
question was the principal argument advanced by the British Government,
in support of its claim to a frontier embracing a portion of the
Vilayet of Hakkiari, the Commission considers that the British
Government's claim to this frontier is not justified.}

^{Thus in four lines the
Commission rejected the claims of the Assyrians. The reasons given
reflect little credit on us but are entirely irrelevant to the merits
of the case. The Commission proceeded to award the whole of the
territory claimed by Great Britain (except the Assyrian lands) to Iraq
subject to the conditions (1) that the territory must remain under the
effective mandate of the League for a period which may be put at
twenty-five years (2) Kurdish officials to be appointed in Kurdish
territory. They added that if these conditions were not fulfilled the
majority of the people would prefer Turkish to Arab sovereignty. They
recommended the appointment of a League representative to reside in the
northern part of Iraq and they urged that the Assyrians should be given
like the Kurds a certain local autonomy with the right to appoint their
own officials and to pay tribute through the agency of their Patriarch
Mar Shimun. Stringent minority provisions would be necessary but would
be a dead letter in the absence of effective supervision on the spot.}

^{Having secured a
favourable award by the Council of the League of Nations free of any
such conditions except an invitation to be guided by the suggestions of
the Commission of Inquiry "for the appeasement and protection of all
elements of the population" the British Government proceeded to
negotiate for the termination of the Mandate. In February 1929 Lord
Passfield issued a memorandum in which emphasis was laid on the
excellent effect on the political atmosphere in Baghdad of this
unqualified readiness to abandon all responsibility. The Mandates
Commission of the League and especially its very able rapporteur, M.
Pierre Orts were less optimistic. In reporting on the application of
Iraq for admission to the League they observed that their information
on the subject was derived solely from British sources. They placed on
record a pronouncement by Sir F. Humphrys which had seemed to them of
great significance:}

^{H.M.'s Government
fully realizes its responsibility in recommending that Iraq should be
admitted to the League, which is in its view the only legal way of
terminating the Mandate. Should Iraq prove herself unworthy of the
confidence which has been placed in her, the moral responsibility must
rest with H.M's Government.}

^{But for this
declaration observed the Commission sarcastically "we should have been
unable to contemplate the termination of a regime which appeared some
years ago necessary in all sections of the community. Sir Francis
Humphrys assured them that in his thirty years experience of Mohammedan
countries he had never found such tolerance of other races and
religions as in Iraq. He did not, however, add that his official
experience was limited to the North-West frontier of India and
Afghanistan û than which no pat of the world if more fanatical
and where an indigenous Christian community does not exist.}

^{In describing the
Mandates Commission the trend of events in Kurdistan Sir F. Humphrys
was very optimistic. He had told them to abandon all idea of Kurdish
independence to face the facts and make the best of things as they
were. As to Kurdish officials Arabs who knew Kurdish might be better
than Kurds. Efficiency and honesty rather than race should be the test.
He found everywhere a g genuine desire for peace and believed that
events augured well for future relations between Arabs and Kurds in
Iraq. This was in June 1931. The Permanent Mandates Commission finally
decided with obvious reluctance to recommend Iraq for admission,
subject to proper safeguards on paper for minorities. These
safeguards, whittled down to a bare minimum on the ground that Iraqi
national pride would tolerate no provisions not already to be found in
European minority treaties, were duly approved.}

^{The actual course
of events during the next few months entirely falsified the assurances
given to the Commission. At the very moment when Sir F. Humphrys was
being examined at Geneva the Iraqi Government were seeking means to
establish their authority by force of arms in certain Kurdish areas,
while the British were still at hand to support and assist the Iraqi
army. There was no time to lose and no difficulty in picking a
quarrel with the chiefs concerned. One Shaikh Ahmad of Barzan, an old
offender, was attacked in July 1931 by another chief and robbed of
sheep, mules, women and children. He petitioned the Iraqi government
for redress but in vain: he then took the law into his own hands and
retaliated with effect doing more damage than he had ever suffered. The
Iraqi Government then decided to suppress him forever. The time
selected was midwinter when it is difficult for tribesmen to resist air
attack for any length of time. The Iraqi army first began operations
but failed and was extricated by the Royal Air Force, which bombed
Barzan village. Shakh Ahmad, whose attitude throughout was that of the
injured party desired only to appease the Government and retain the
autonomy so dear to him and to all tribesmen? All prisoners and
captured war material having been restored, the incident might well
have ended. But the Iraqi Government were little disposed to make
peace. The time was coming when they would no longer to able to count
on British moral and physical support. They prepared for a fresh war in
the spring relying always on the Royal Air Force for help if need
should arise. Roads were made, troops mobilized, and warning
proclamations dropped by our aeroplanes of which the following is a
specimen:}

^{To Shaikh Ahmad of
Barzan and his followers:}

^{As you have ignored
previous orders and proclamationsàit is hereby notified that
offensive action from the air will be intensifiedàYou, your
villages and flocks will be attacked with machine-gun fire and bombs,
some of which may not explode at once, but only after some hours. You
are advised to remove your women and children to a place of
safetyàthen operations will continue until all opposition has
ceased and your leaders (named) have made submissionà.}

^{Take heed. Government
is too strong for you; and further resistance is hopeless. Why should
there be more bloodshed?}

^{Shaikh Ahmad was in
due course defeated and capturer but not until some scores of tons of
high-explosive shells had been dropped on his villages and flocks.(It
is said that he was released and sent back to Barzan and his followers
rearmed, shortly before the Assyrian massacres) A few months later a
distinguished correspondent from the Time bore witness in a special
article to this manifestation of "the spreading and uniform pattern of
civilization" in Iraq, adding complacently that nearly 100 Kurds who
fled across the frontier to escape the civilizing influences of the
Iraqi army and British Air Force had been hanged without ceremony by
the Turks, in pursuance of sentences previously passed for crimes
committed when the country was in their hands some eighteen years
earlier. That the Turks should be allowed to do to death by slow
strangulation, as if their way, nearly 100 men from an area which Great
Britain held a mandate without as far as we know any protest, was a
shameful event. It had the effect of convincing the Kurds at long last
that however desirous individual British advisers may be of securing
justice for them, nothing is to be hoped from the British Embassy at
Baghdad. There has been no trouble with the Kurds since but beneath the
surface is deep discontent. The Kurds are implacably hostile to the
present regime and there are other elements which will not be slow to
take advantage of divided counsels at Baghdad.}

^{Two questions require
immediate attention both of the League of Nations and of the British
government. The first is the future of the Assyrian community. They
have not been fairly treated; the crimes of which they have been
victims are the consequence of their dispersion. They are difficult to
manage, obstinate, rightly proud of their race, naturally suspicious of
schemes for their benefit devised by men who see through the Arab eyes.
They have not been well led; their leaders have not been well managed
by British advisers and have not been departed in defiance of the
Fundamental Laws and League guarantees to Cyrus. Thousands of destitute
women and children who have seen their menfolk murdered in cold blood
are in refugee camps. Nothing is being done to re-establish them and
seed time is near. It is hard to serve two clients with divergent
ambitions and Lord Hugh Cecil's observation that British officials and
their informants are commonly rather biased on the side of the Moslem
governors and against the governed Christians is not without an element
of truth. The merits of the Iraqi government have as he says been
overrated; the distress and grievances of the Assyrians under-rated
(The present troubles were no unexpected and grave warnings were sent
home by responsible authorities as recently as August 1932.) In this
matter we can learn something from French officials in Syria and it is
to Syria that the Assyrians have since 1931 looked for a home. They
have seen the Armenians successfully settled there and assimilated.
They have seen a just balance struck between Arab and non-Arab races
and something like an equilibrium reached. One circumstance only makes
the Assyrians view the prospect of a settlement in Syria with
misgiving. They fear as do their leaders that the ultimate result might
be the transference of their spiritual allegiance to Rome. That is an
ancestral feeling which we have in this country and especially the Free
Churches should be able to understand.}

^{They have lost faith
in the League of Nations for almost every specific safeguard suggested
to that body by its own Commissioners since 1924 for their protection
has been rejected or reduced to a pious phrase. The Council of the
League did not endorse the proposal for a Resident League Commissioner,
did not insist on the conclusion of a satisfactory land settlement, did
not even send a Commission to make inquiries on the spot before
terminating the Mandate. The League has done nothing since the
massacres occurred except to circulate ex parte statements to all
concerned; it can do nothing until the Council meets again. There is no
precedent for a League inquiry into the troubles of a minority in a
sovereign State and none could be held unless the whole Council agree.
The precedent might be most inconvenient to many countries. Great
Britain as the ally of Iraq can scarcely take the lead. Who else will
do so? The aggressors have three months' start.}

^{Meanwhile the
Assyrians are being described as in "rebellion" and we are solemnly
warned in a highly inspired message from Baghdad that the present
temper of Iraqi nationalism is such that any attempt to apportion blame
or impose punishment might have the most undesirable repercussions in
this country much more serious than the troubles gone before..There is
a great difference between European and Asiatic standards of the
valuation of human life. Iraq's standard like those of her neighbors
has been evolved by centuries of misrule and oppressionà}

^{Iraq in other words is
proving an apt pupil, in petto, of Japan. In the circumstances
it is not surprising that the Assyrians should look to the French in
Syria for help and a future rather than to the palsied hands of League
officials.}

^{The second question at
issue relates to the settlement of the Kurdish claim for some degree of
local autonomy in their affairs. In their case, as in that of the
Assyrians, it can in the words of Mr. W.H.Stoker, K.C (who as counsel
for the Arabs at the inquiry which followed the disturbances in
Palestine in 1929 speaks with some practical experience.}

^{Scarcely be urged too
emphatically that the inclusion of both Assyrians and Kurds in the new
kingdom of Iraq has merely an artificial basis of quite recent creation
fraught with probabilities of clashes and inconsistent with the
Covenant, which expressly recognized their right to recognition as
independent nations, and therefore not to grafted on races and
communities alien to them.}

^{They are a homogeneous
community, racially poles apart from their neighbours; a resident
League Commissioner might secure from them what a British High
Commission and a British Embassy have failed altogether to secure. If
their national instincts cannot be met in some way they will remain an
obstacle to the homogeneity of the Iraq kingdom.}

^{We on our part have
given hostages to fortune in Iraq without parallel in the East.
European investment (by American, French, Dutch and British interests
in equal proportions) in the Iraq Petroleum Company must amount by now
to over 10,000,000 pounds and is increasing. Another British oil
company with the strongest official Italian and German support
contemplates great developments in each case in the northern area which
is most likely to be affected by racial troubles. The financial
stability of the Iraqi government depends upon the royalties received
from these companies, which in their turn, depend for their existence
on the maintenance in these regions of a stable government. Baghdad and
Basrah are to the air communications of the British Empire in the East
what the Suez Canal is to our sea-borne trade with Asia. We thus have a
stake in the country greater in proportion to the population than in
any other foreign country except perhaps Argentina.}

^{The last Socialist
Government paid it is to be feared, little heed to these facts when it
made as in India the gesture which by an unconditional promise to Iraq
of admission to the League entailed the ineluctable consequences which
Professor Gilbert Murray and Lord Hugh Cecil in harmony with myself
lament. To make pledges in haste and to cry over them at leisure has
become a habit with us as also the habit of "leaving it to Geneva" to
get us out of the trouble we have brought on ourselves by our own
infirmity of purpose. May we not echo as we listen to the impeccable
oratory of successive Foreign Secretaries, the words of Lord Stratford
de Redcliffe:}

^{"Oh! For one glance
from Chatham's eye}

^{To make our vile
misgivings fly:}

^{Oh! For one cheer
like that which broke}

^{From English hearts
when Canning spoke."}

^{The rising tide of
nationalism in Baghdad cannot be checked; it must take its course, the
dissident Christian minorities being as were the Greeks of Asiatic
Turkey transplanted to less hostile soil. We need fear no breakdown of
government in Baghdad; King Ghazi will for many years to come perforce
rely on his advisers one of whom Yasin Pasha is a man of great ability
who can command the support of the Iraqi army and of the
nationalistically minded public. The Assyrians once transferred no one
is more likely than he to meet the Kurds half-way.}

^{With the death of King
Faisal the movement towards westernization of which he was the exponent
will be overborne by the militant creed of self-sufficiency which
inspires the rulers of Persia and Turkey. It need cause us no alarm for
Iraq depends on oil royalties for stability and will not permit its
revenues, actual and potential, to be jeopardized. The national
movement which we and the Allies started in 1918 must now follow with
ever-increasing momentum, the course on which it has been launched.
Kings who abdicate may be wise or foolish but there can be no question
of the folly of a king who having abdicated seeks to resume the
scepter. In Asia as elsewhere, there are narrow limits to interracial
and international action. The emotions that are evoked are a part of
human nature, a product of untold ages in the past and of environment
not easily altered. But the position in which the British
Government has placed itself today in Iraq is as intolerable as it is
unparallel. British advisers whose advice is not asked; a British
Military Mission forced to be silent spectators of foul deeds, four
squadrons of the British Air Force, who intervention has been confined
of recent months to dropping leaflets on Assyrians telling them to
surrender. They did so and were massacred a day or two later in cold
blood. We are assured that calm reigns in Iraq, and that the League
of Nations would do well to defer discussion of the problem till
November. Meanwhile let us talk of Disarmament and International
Cooperation.}

^{CHAPTER XX: THE END}

^{The Mar Shimun ,
patriarch, has addressed a desperate appeal to all the Christian
Churches which will be found in appendix (j). This was justified by the
fact that the struggle in Iraq though purely political was made by the
Iraq Government, a war between the Crescent and the Cross.}

^{The duties of Major
Thomson who was appointed settlement officer have now become that of a
sexton and his original contract for six months will now be extended,
for he has been appointed by the League of Nations, president of what
is called a "local immigration committee."}

^{He will be assisted by
an inspector of an administration and a local officer appointed by the
Iraq Government. Proved oppressors to be given exceptional privilege of
being both defendants and judges is inconsistent with common justice
and is the most infamous scandal I have ever heard of. This action is
mythical and Major Thomson may yet be given a permanent position in
Iraqi!}

^{No action whatsoever
has been taken by anybody to protect the Assyrians or at least remove
some of their tremendous difficulties and sufferings to which they are
now subjected, despite the half-hearted intervention of the League of
Nations. They have been left to die from cold, disease, fear and by
murders. Major Thomson, formerly in the Sudan civil service and who
sees with Arab eyes, gives the following account in his report
No.T/A/119 of August 29^th, 1933, of the Assyrian refugee
camp:}

^{The Assyrian refugee
relief committee was formed on 20^th August 1933. On Monday 21^st,
the first consignment of refugees arrived from Dohuk and has continued
daily as hereunder stated:}

^{21^st
August 200 Dohuk}

^{22^nd
August 560 Dohuk}

^{23^rd
August 200 Dohuk}

^{24^th August
183 Dohuk}

^{25^th August
75 Al Qosh}

^{27^th August
70 Al Qosh}

^{28^th August
80 Al Qosh}

^{29^th August
200 Al Qosh}

¹⁵⁶⁸

^{I anticipate that there will be in
the course of the next few days some 1,600 women and children in the
camp, which would be all that is necessary to deal with.}

^{In another note of September 15^th,
Thomson writes as follows:}

^{ARRIVAL OF
REFUGEES}

^{30/8/33 108}

^{2/9/33 74}

^{5/99/33 98}

^{6/9/33 122}

^{10/9/33 29}

⁴³¹

^{During this short period, there were,
according to Thomson, 16 deaths among the betrayed Assyrian refugees.}

^{"There are 302 women and children in
the camp whose relatives are at present in Syria. Up to date 1,200
pounds has been expended. (Does this include your pay?)}

^{"There are 27 orphan boys and girls
in the camp with no known relatives. I have taken up the question of
the disposal of these children with the Dominican Fathers in Mosul who
may be able to help in the matter."}

^{Such was the situation of the
Assyrians at the close of 1933, who trusted Britain. The fate of the
Assyrians was tragic from the moment they shook hands with the British
in Persia and it was more so when they departed on the 3^rd
of October 1932.}

^{On September 28^th, 1933,
the Mar Shimun left Cyprus and traveled to Geneva arriving there on
October 4, 1933, exactly twelve months since his People were
treacherously given up. The League of Nations deliberations ended with
a fine apology by the wildest assassin of the twentieth century and
finally it was recommended that the Assyrians should emigrate from Iraq.}

^{When the Assyrians were evacuated
from Iraq, it will be the duty of those interested in the remaining
Christians to appeal to some Power to keep an eye on them which could
intervene by force of arms if and when that Power feels there are signs
of danger. No other measures will be of any avail. What the League of
Nations can and what it cannot do is now too conspicuous to require any
proof. But such intervention can only be effective (and avoid another
massacre which is sure to come) before and Not after the tragedy.}

^{On the other hand, I am of the
opinion that the Kurds will not await much longer to be ruled by a
backward Government much inferior to them in all respects. The British
interests might demand the Kurds to rise much earlier than is
anticipated, and I am convinced that the future safety of the remaining
Christians (after the Assyrian forced emigration), lies in an
autonomous Kurdistan in the whole of the Mosul Wilayet as r'iyyah
(subjects) of the Kurds who will no doubt ensure them religious freedom
and permit them to practice their habits and customs which has been
impossible under the Iraq Government.}

^{In conclusion, I hope the English
reader will not accuse me of being anti-British in any way. I have
attempted to place before the public facts which were kept in the dark.
The Assyrians have many good friends among the official and unofficial
classes, and I personally know many English gentlemen who had done all
in their power to make the Assyrian position tolerable and are now
ashamed to find the Assyrians persecuted. But the change in their
Government's policy, prejudicial as it was to the Assyrian interests,
compelled them to become mere observers.}

^{I must admit that there are many gaps
in this book which I could have better filled but unfortunately the
brevity of time and my unsettled conditions were not so generous as to
enable me to do so. These gaps I hope to fill at some future date,
which may not be far distant.}

^{Some of the secret letters about the
Assyrians should not, I think, remain secret any longer whereas the
remainder can be published later.}

^{Copy û Telegram}

^{From: High Commissioner}

^{To: Zinneremo, London}

^{No. 14117}

^{Dated: 20/11/1920}

^{My telegram dated 8-11 No. 13576
Refugees first partly owing to defection of Tiari and Takhuma
contingents who endeavoured to break away to their}

^{Old homes deserting the main body and
partly owing to bad weather the Assyrian contingent are on their back
to us and the whole question of their repatriation has to be
reconsidered. Secondly, I have sanctioned scheme for settlement of
1,200 families at Dohuk and Aqra and arrangements are proceeding.}

^PRIVATE

^{I have reason to
suspect that the French Government is about to ask that the Assyrians
be invited to settle between Mardin and Jazirah, and it is rumoured
that certain of the Assyrian leaders have been heavily bribed to secure
their consent. It seems possible that the French will offer to accept
all future financial responsibility and to guarantee to arrange matters
to the satisfaction of local Kurds and Assyrians alike. My information
seems to derive corroboration from papers received under cover of your
letter No. 41 dated 7/10.}

^{I should be glad to have at a very
early date an intimation of the wishes of H.M.G. should the situation
develop on these lines.}

^Telegram:

^{From: Hicom, Baghdad To: S. of
S.,London, No. 38, dated 17/4/21}

^{Your telegram dated 13^th
received 15^th. Refugees Questions, One Scheme comprises both
alternatives. Some mountaineers would be settled within Mosul
boundaries others up to a distance of 30 miles from our borders
according to their own wishes. Questions two and three. Intention is to
dispose of all mountaineers exact proportions of trans-frontier and
frontier sections can be determined only by experience and after
consultation with refugees themselves but I hope to be able to recruit
the numbers required for Levy. Question four. Urmians are still at
Mindan. Their numbers are approximately the same as those of the
mountaineers. I suggest that a sum be voted for them equivalent to that
voted for Mountaineers and that a Committee of the Urmians under the
presidency of a British Officer be formed to arrange the most
economical and equitable distribution of this last contribution by
H.M.G. This involves the dispersal of the Church and people, but I see
no alternative if the camp is to be clear. HICOM}

^Telegram

^{From: S. of S. London}

^{To: Hicom Baghdad û No. 7
û Dated 13/4/1921 Rcd. 15/4/1921}

^{Reference your telegram dated 10^th
instant}

^{Refugees. The grant of 200,000 pounds
recommended by the Cairo Conference was for settling the Mountaineers
locally in conjunction with the new Levy scheme. Nothing seems to have
been said about repatriating them. I should be grateful if you would
reply to the following questions:}

^{Is the scheme for which you now
want funds the second alternative given in your telegram No. 317/S
dated Feb. 3^rd?
How many mountaineers is it proposed to
repatriate, and how many would that leave on our hands?
How much of the 200,000 pounds is required for
repatriation and how much for settlement?
What has become of the Urmians? Are they still in
camp at Mindan?

SECRET Office of the High Commissioner, Baghdad
April 1921
To: G.H.Q. (2 copies)
Director of Repatriation, Mosul
Divisional Adviser Mosul
Memorandum û Copy forwarded for information
Sd./Secretary to the
High Commissioner for Mesopotamia.
Copy of a secret memo, No. 527 dated the 9^th
March 1922 from the special Service Officer, Mosul to the Divisional
Adviser, Mosul
I forward herewith a rough copy of a printed map
which reached Mosul a few days ago with a letter from Agha Petros, in
which he states that he was about to take steps to found an
Assyro-Chaldean State in the area marked and that the French had
promised to assist him even with arms if necessary.
The lines of d elimination in my copy are in red,
and it will be noticed that the northern boundary of Syria is that of
the pre-Anglora Agreement, while its Eastern one cuts through the
middle of Sinjar.
Agha Petros' letter was dispatched from Beirut
and it is noteworthy that Anton Samhiri, who calls himself
"Representative of the Syrian Catholic Patriarch in Urmia and
Kurdistan" left for Syria on the 3^rd instant. I believe this
man is a well-known intriguer on the part of Agha Petros.
If this scheme of Agha Petros' is anything more
than a ballon d'essai, it is likely to lead to endless
complications, as it includes in the new State of Kurdish areas
SairtLijje and the country now under the control of Simko, while it
leaves the Midiat-Azekh Christian area to be Turks and also proposes to
cut off a large piece of Persian territory. Furthermore, it is likely
to prejudice recruiting for our levies in the minds of the Assyrians.

It is difficult to see how the French will be
able to render any material assistance to this project. As an extreme
possibility, it is suggested that the present Turkish concentration at
Jazirah is intended as a threat, not to Iraq, but at the narrow French
corridor with its points on the Tigris just below that town, or as a
reserve to be moved to reinforce Mardin.
In my No. 519 of the 3^rd instant it
was reported that there had been fighting north of Aleppo at Killis.
Although no confirmation of this has been received, an intelligent
traveler who reached here on the 5^th instant reports that
French troops had been hurried back to the north of Aleppo during the
last week in Februry.

Secret No. 1777 Office of the Divisional Adviser

Mosul, dated the 14^th of March 1922

To
The Secretary to H.E., The High Commissioner,
Baghdad]
Memorandumn
Forwarded with original copy of map as forwarded
to me by S.S.O. for information. Sd/ Dvisional Adviser, Mosul
Secret No. 241 Office of the Administrative,
Inspector
Mosul, Dated t he 11^th of June 1923

To The Adviser
Ministry of Interior, Baghdad
Memorandum
I forward a copy of a Report on the Assyrians
received from the S.S.O. Mosul.
Shortly after the receipt of this report, I had
the opportunity of having a long discussion with the Mar Shimun and
Tiari Chiefs. They are much upset by the publication of the Protocol,
and see in it a sign that they will be handed back to the mercies of a
Mohammadan Government at the end of the period of grade.
They see no prospects of ever being able to live
in peace under such conditions in their own villages. Lady Surma thinks
that many of them in
Sheer desperation will return to brigandage once
the friendly protection of the British Government is withdrawn.
Little weight was given to my assurance that
British influence would still remain after the period of four years
mentioned in the Protocol. They pointed out that even now they suffer
many minor annoyances which auger a return sooner or later to the
corrupt methods in vogue under the Turks.
For the time being, they realize the necessity of
keeping on good terms with Iraq Government-Lady Surma assures me that
they will take special pains to do so but asked that Government will
investigate the possibilities of their emigrating to Canada or another
British colony.
I would request that their plan may be laid
before H.E. the High Commissioner with a view to ascertaining on what
terms emigrants are allowed into Canada.
Administrative Inspector, Mosul
Confidential
No. S.O./92 Secretariat of H.E. The High
Commissioner
For Iraq, Baghdad, 9^th January 1924

To: Ministry of Interior, Baghdad
Memorandum:
I am directed to refer to your memorandum No.
C/41 dated 7/1/1924 with which was forwarded a memorandum from the
Administrative Inspector, Mosul, enclosing a petition to His Excellency
the High Commissioner from certain Assyrian chiefs, and to request that
the Administrative Inspector may be instructed to inform the
petitioners that His Excellency has read their petition and directs him
to reply that the future northern boundary of the Iraq State is now
receiving the consideration of His Britannic Majesty's Government who
are well acquainted with the wishes of the Assyrian people.
Sd/Secretary to H.E., The High Commissioner for
Iraq
Another code telegram which L'Orient (10/8/1933,)
has published a worth while repeating as the comments of the Editor
thereon are very interesting, indeed.}

^{LES FAITS DU JOUR}

^{I. Secrets anglaisà}

^{Written in French: Il y a
dixàà. Alaouite de Lattaquei}

^{The friends of the Assyrians in
England were very much concerned about their future in Iraq on the
termination of the British Mandate. It was natural that they would make
enquiries from the highest authorities in the land. That authority was
Sir Francis Humphrys. I may quote one of his replies sent to a friend
of the Assyrians in England.}

^{The Residency, Baghdad - 15^th
December 1930}

^Dear______

^{Thank you very much for your letter.
I was very sorry to miss you in England and believed that you returned
to London two days after I had left for Constantinople. I was very much
interested in the article entitled "Lambeth and the Further East" which
you were kind enough to send me.}

^{I want you to feel quite satisfied
that the Assyrians are being properly looked after in this country.
When you say that they are in a deplorable condition, you must remember
that it is unreasonable to judge the conditions of Assyrian tribesmen
who live in the hill tracts of Iraq by European standards. Judged by
the standard of their neighbours, I can assure you that their lot is
far superior to other tribes and sects, who are their fellow citizens
in Iraq.}

^{It is t rue that they suffer from
malaria but so do all tribes who live in the East especially if they
grow rice crops near their village, as the swampy ground in which rice
is grown attracts mosquitoes. They have better medical facilities also
than other tribes in Iraq.}

^{The fact is that the Assyrians have
no more legitimate complaints than other Iraqis at the present moment
but they are naturally apprehensive of what is likely to happen when
the British Mandate is terminated. When this occurs, the responsibility
for minorities will have to be fulfilled by the Iraq Government towards
the League of Nations direct and not through the British Government as
at present. This is of course why it was impossible to make any mention
of minorities in the new Anglo-Iraq Treaty. Roumania for instance is
not responsible to Russia but to the League for the treatment of its
minorities. It is extraordinary what a lot of misunderstanding there is
on this point.}

^{I hope shortly to see the Mar Shimun
and Lady Surma and I shall have much pleasure in giving them your
message. With all good wishes for Christmas and the New Year. Yours
very sincerely, F.H. Humphrys}

^{The statement that "it is true that
they suffer from malaria but so do all the tribes in the East,
especially if they grow rice crops near their village as the swampy
ground in which rise is grown attracts mosquitoes" merits some comment.}

^{The best reply to this is that
contained in the Assyrian Tragedy (p.40)}

^{The diseases
were due to swampy area and no prophylactic measures were taken to
improve the situation. Malaria in those parts is not due to rice
cultivation as the British Government maintains. There are many
districts inhabited by Assyrians where the effect of malaria or other
diseases is not felt although the settlers grow rice. In the districts
of Nahla and Khalil Kan for instance where in the latter places no rice
is grown, the death roll at times reached 95% especially among
children. British officers and Americans have testified to this.}

^{The causes for malaria advanced by
The Assyrian Tragedy are nearer to logic than the statement of Sir
Francis. I do know that the Assyrians were settled on lands which the
original inhabitants had deserted ages ago due to the presence of
malaria, hence the mortality of ninety-five percent.}

^{Sir Francis is careful not to mention
the other diseases which were ravaging the Assyrians in Mosul town
itself. From personal experience I can speak of the eye-diseases.
Because of the unsettled conditions of the Assyrians, the hostile
attitude of the local authorities, which resulted in the impoverishment
of these betrayed people, the great majority of them suffered from
acute eye diseases. Very few of them were able to go to doctors. The
greater majority could not but fortunate for us, the presence of the
specialist, Doctor Shimun Malke, an Assyrian by nationality and one of
the most sincere friends of His Beatitude the Mar Shimun and the
Assyrians as a whole undertook voluntarily at his own expense to do
what the Government and the Missionaries failed to do. He treated the
Assyrians free of charge, visited the disabled and the sick and helped
most virtuously to relieve the suffering of Assyrians.}

^{Those with better pens might be able,
perhaps to describe more effectively Dr. Malke's spirit of
self-sacrifice but I consider that as an eye-witness whilst I was in
Mosul, it would be an act of gross discourtesy were I to bring this
book to a close, without acknowledging the services he so generously
rendered to the Assyrians in the moment of need.}

^{In the person of late M. William
Martin and later M.M. Jean Martin and Pierre Briquet, for reasons of
humanitarianism, the Assyrians have found no better friends. The stand
taken by M. Briquet on behalf of the Assyrian ntion during the recent
national calamity has made a profound impression upon the author and
therefore, he wishes to express his everlasting gratitude to him.}

^{The following is an article by M.
Pierre Briquet in the Journal de Geneve, April 14, 1935, entitled Une
Nation Sauvee:}

^{Article written in French}

^APPENDICES

^{Appendix
"A": Letter to the Mandates Commission}

^{By The Mar Shimun et
Als}

^{(original in Syriac)}

^{Mosul, October 23^rd,
1931}

^{To: His Excellency}

^{The Chairman, Mandates Commission}

^{League of Nations, Geneva}

^{Referrence the attached document. I
beg to convey to Your Excellency the following:}

^{The Assyrian Nation which is
temporarily living in Iraq, having placed before their eyes the dark
future, and the miserable conditions which are undoubtedly awaiting
them in Iraq, after the lifting of the mandate, have unanimously held a
Conference with me in Mosul on the 20^th October 1931. At
this Conference were present the temporal and spiritual leaders of the
Assyrian Nation in its entirely as it will be observed from the
document quoted above bearing the leaders' signatures. The future
conditions were fully discussed and these center around two points.
(Can we or can be Not live in Iraq?) at the conclusion of lengthy
deliberations, it was unanimously decided by all those present that it
is quite impossible for us to live in Iraq. The leaders' Will was
entrusted with me vide the document signed by them to explore all means
that I deem possible to find a way for the emigration of the Assyrians
from Iraq. Under the circumstances, I, together with the undermentioned
signatories being the responsible leaders of the Assyrian Nation submit
before Your Commission our Nation's humble request, which in past
centuries numbered millions but reduced to a very small number due to
repeated persecutions and massacres that faced us, we have been able to
preserve our Language and Faith up to the present time. The Not distant
past relating to the conditions of Our Nation has been fully made known
to you by the medium of the official workers for our Nation. This being
so, it is unnecessary for us to enlarge upon each item, BUT WE ARE
POSITIVELY SURE THAT IF WE REMAIN IN IRAQ, we shall be exterminated in
the course of few years.}

^{WE THEREFORE IMPLORE YOUR MERCY TO
TAKE CARE OF US, and arrange our emigration to one of the countries
under the rule of one of the Western Nations whom you may deem fit. And
should this be impossible, we beg you to request the French Government
to accept us in Syria and give us shelter under her responsibility FOR
WE CAN NO LONGER LIVE IN IRAQ and WE SHALL LEAVE.}

^{Sd. Eshai Shimun}

^{By the Grace of God,}

^{Catholics Patriarch of the East}

^{Other Signatories:}

^{Yosep Khnanishu, Metropolitan}

^{Zaya Sargis, by Grace Bishop}

^{Khoshaba M. Yosep}

^{Zaya M. Shamizdin}

^{Malik Andrious, Jelu}

^{Malik Marogil Copy to: H.E. High
Commissioner Commissioner for Iraq}

^{Malik Khnanu, Tkhuma H.E. Minister
for Foreign}

^{Malik Khama, Baz. Affairs, London}

^{Malik Ismail, Upper
Tiyari}

^{APPENDIX 'B': Statement showing names of
76 Assyrians brutally killed individually for where there has been no
redress:}

^{Names of Person Killed Names of
Villages Names of Tribes}

^{l. Enwiyah Yacub Lagipa Lower
Tiyari}

^{2. Shimun Giwargis Lagipa Lower Tiyari}

^{3. Dinkha Enwiyah Lagipa Lower Tiyari}

^{4. Zia Talya Galiyyah D'Barkhu Lower
Tiyari}

^{5. Shimun Oraham Galiyyah D'Barkhu
Lower Tiyari}

^{6. Oshana Aprim Zawita Lower Tiyari}

^{7. Rev. Zkharya Dinkha Ashita Lower
Tiyari}

^{8. Dinkha Lazar Ashita Lower Tiyari}

^{9. Haui Warda Ashita Lower Tiyari}

^{10.Ishu Hindu Ashita Lower Tiyari}

^{11.Is-khaq Lachin Ashita Lower Tiyari}

^{12.Goriyyil Yosep Ashita Lower Tiyari}

^{13. Nannu Yokhannan Ashita Lower
Tiyari}

^{14. Giwargis Yacub Ashita Lower Tiyari}

^{15. Ishu Yosep Ashita Lower Tiyari}

^{16. Dinkha Zia Ashita Lower Tiyari}

^{17. Odisha Polus Ashita Lower Tiyari}

^{18. Khiwru Hormizd Gnai Mata Lower
Tiyari}

^{19. Yohannan Barkhu Mazraya Tkhuma}

^{20. Sappu Mazraya Tkhuma}

^{21. Dr. Shmiwal Parhat Urmia Upper
Tiyari}

^{22. Oshana Urmia Upper Tiyari}

^{23. Baitu Urmia Upper Tiyari}

^{24. Mayyah Urmia Upper Tiyari}

^{25. Harun Kaki ` Urmia Upper Tiyari}

^{26. Maqsud Tuma Urmia Upper Tiyari}

^{27. Majji Khaya Urmia Upper Tiyari}

^{28. Hommy Mayyah Urmia Upper Tiyari}

^{29. Khoshaba Urmia Upper Tiyari}

^{30. Bayi Yokhannan Urmia Upper Tiyari}

^{31. Chadu Mayyah Urmia Upper Tiyari}

^{32. Bazidu Mannu Urmia Jelu}

^{33. Napoleon Kurty Urmia Jelu}

^{34. Maqsud Urmia Jelu}

^{35. Musa Ishu Urmia Jelu}

^{36. Sulaqa Hanna Urmia Jelu}

^{37. Bairam Shalal Urmia Baz}

^{38. Sharbatti Nisan Urmia Baz}

^{39. Yokhannan Gaggu Urmia Baz}

^{40. Shabi Khamu Urmia Baz}

^{41. Chuni Yokhannan Urmia Baz}

^{42. Rev.Qambar Urmia Baz}

^{43. Mattushlakh Israel Qudchanis Baz}

^{44. Elisha Hormizd Quddhanis Baz}

^{45. Shikhu Hormizd Qudchanis Baz}

^{46. Ishu Giwargis Shakal Nerwa Baz}

^{47. Sliwu Shakarru Nerwa Hamun-Giramun}

^{48-49 Oshana Nannu & bro. Nerwa
Hamun-Giramun}

^{50. Tuma Hommy Nerwa Hamun-Giramun}

^{51. Yalda David Nerwa Hamun-Giramun}

^{52. Shlaimun Daniel Nerwa
Hamun-Giramun}

^{53. Tuma Yokhannan Nerwa Hamun-Giramun}

^{54. Ishu Milli Shamsdinan
Hamun-Giramun}

^{55. Samari Shamsdinan Hammun-Giramun}

^{56. Shinzar Shamsdinan Hammun-Giramun}

^{57-58 Qambar and wife Shamsdinan
Hammun-Giramun}

^{59. Rev. Patrus Is-Khaq Kumani Sapna
(Ama'h) Hammun Giramun}

^{60. Rev. Gilyana Markhail Kumani
Sapna (Ama'h) Hammun Giramun}

^{61. Odishu Israil Kumani Sapna
(Ama'h) Hammun Giramun}

^{62. Shlimun Manny Kumani Sapna
(Ama'h) HammunGiramun}

^{63. Yalda Khoshaba Kumani Sapna
(Ama'h) Hammun Giramun}

^{64. Dinkha Khamis Kumani Sapna
(Ama'h) Hammun Giramun}

^{65. Ishu Kannu Kumani Sapna (Ama'h)
Hammun Giramun}

^{66. Hajji Sliwu Kumani Sapna (Ama'h)
Hammun Giramun}

^{67. Shami Hormizd (woman) Kumani
Sapna (Ama'h) Hammun Giramun}

^{68. Yasmi Gilyanan (woman) Kumani
Sapna (Ama'h) Hammun Giramun}

^{69. Maryan Hormizd (woman) Kumani
Sapna (Ama'h) Hammun Giramun}

^{70. Sittu Marbina (woman) Kumani
Sapna (Ama'h) Hammun Giramun}

^{71. Hormiz Ishaya Kumani Sapna
(Ama'h) Hammun Giramun}

^{72. Nisan Daniel Kumani Sapna (Ama'h)
Hammun Giramun}

^{73. Sahda Oraham Kumani Sapna (Ama'h)
Hammun Giramun}

^{74. Yakhanis Sargis Kumani Sapna
(Ama'h) Hammun Giramun}

^{75. Tuma Yosep Kumani Sapna (Ama'h)
Hammun Giramun}

^{76. Benyamin Baydal, Zibar Hammun
Giramun}

^{APPENDIX 'D': Dr. Wigram's letter to the
Editor of "The Near East and India"}

^{To the Editor of "The Near East and
India"}

^{SirùYour leading article on
the "Assyrian Problem" in your issue of October 19 puts the case for
prosecution so effectively that I am sure you will permit a statement
in defense.}

^{The Assyrian-Iraq dispute may
originally have been one of nationality but a man who knows the East as
well as your leader-writer must know that religious quarrels there
follow national lines and vice versa.
The fact that in this dispute the cry of "Jehad"
has been raised and the attempt made to settle it by forced
conversation to Islam shows that unhappily religion cannot be kept out
of the problem.

These Assyrians have been given pledges that have
been broken by us. Accepted as an ally in the War, they were definitely
promised return to their own land, and the "Levy" was first organized
for that end in 1918. The long delay in Baqubah was caused by the fact
that our government mishandled the Turkish peace problem most
disastrously.
When their return home was seen to be impossible,
we promised them "either an enclave, or arrangements for safe and
decent existence" (Curzon, House of Lords, 17-12-19) and the League of
Nations promised them all their old rights, including autonomy and the
right to pay their Patriarch. This was a clause included in the award
of the League by which the Mosul province was assigned to Iraq.
(Turko-Irak frontier C. 400. M. 147. 1925 VII. P.90_}

^{¹
^{--In the Annual
Convention of the Federation held in Yonkers, New York on the 26th and
27th of October 1935, the National League of America was declared
affiliated with the Assyrian National Federation. The National
Association of Yonkers, whose membership was for some time held in
abeyance, was so so affiliated. The convention resulted in the election
of Joseph J. Durna, LL.B., as its third president, succeeding David B.
Perly.}}

^{²
*By the Assyrian National League of America (Chicago)}

^³

^{⁴ Cambridge Ancient History III,
pp.101-02}

^⁵

^⁶